Issue 04: Cleveland’s Cultural Gardens
Shakespeare in British Gardens
Issue 4 offers a prize-winning electronic exploration of the Cleveland Cultural Gardens.
Cleveland Cultural Gardens Website
Cleveland’s Cultural Gardens’ website is maintained by the Cleveland State University History Department’s Center for Public History and Digital Humanities. These gardens represent over 30 different nationalities of Cleveland’s residents, and new gardens are added every few years. Brose through the photographs on this website to catch a glimpse of the myriad cultures contained within the same city, Cleveland.
Issue 03: Ohio’s Steel Mill War
The original third issue contained several articles on Cleveland’s social history during the early years of the twentieth-century, an article on “The Little Steel Strike of 1937,” and two essays that explore the Black History Archives of the Western Reserve Historical Society and the use of maps in studying the history of Cleveland. The article on Ohio’s Steel Mill War appears here.
Ohio’s Steel Mill War by Benjamin Blake, Western Reserve Historical Society
Issue 02: Ohio City
Cleveland, 1850s
This issue focuses on Ohio City, with a general overview of the early history of Ohio City and essays on Franklin Circle, the Flats, and Detroit Street in 1920, as well as essays on the development of the Polish community in Cleveland and other topics.
Issue 02
Context Articles
“Pleasantly Situated…”
by Robert A. Wheeler
“Sources for Local History”
by Judith Cetina
Ohio City
“Detroit Street, 1920″
by Lisa Amato, Jeanne Costa, Anthony Nettles
“Franklin Circle…”
by Rachelle DeRubeis and
Tim Kassouf
“The Flats”
by Nichole Bahrt, Mark Steinbrunner, and Hilary Stites
Other Essays
“Warszawa: The Development of a Polish-American Industrial Community, 1882-1919″
by Chuck Kaczynski
Documents
Ohio City Directory: 1837
Issue 01: Another Shocking Murder on the West Side
Rosa O'Malia
An axe, a flask of whiskey, a shovel, and the blugeoned body of 26 year-old Rosa O’Malia found in a blood spattered shanty on Cleveland’s west side known as Irishtown on December 15, 1859 set the stage for intrigue . The players in this real life drama include a jealous wife and a husband bound for revenge. Was the wife drunk? Was there a second axe involved? What does the purchase of cabbages have to do with Rosa O’Malia’s murder? These questions turn up conflicting testimony, discrepancies, hearsay and collaboration. During the six days in which Rosa O’Malia’s head injuries caused her brain to fill with blood leading to her ultimate death on December 21, the testimony of Unknown European Immigrant family and neighbors’ as well as experts was gathered and the murder drew the attentions of newspaper reporters. Charles A. Hartmann, Coroner for the Cuyahoga County filed his medical report and verdict within three days of O’Malia’s death. Hartmann fingered two individuals whose trials end in a Jury’s Decision with which you may or may not agree. Follow your instincts and reflect on the insight provided by interpretations written by Rebecca Laird, Jennifer Vincenty and Deborah Sutherland. Essays by Robert Wheeler, Judith Cetina and Eric Meany help to set the scene and explore the documents you can read yourself.
Issue 01
Robert A. Wheeler: The Setting
Judith G. Cetina: The County Archives
Eric Meany: Coroner’s Reports, 1875-1885
Documents
Coroner’s Inquest
Coroner’s Oath
Family’s Testimony
Neighbors’ Testimony
Expert Testimony
Jury’s Decision
Attestation and Fees
Charles A. Hartmann, Coroner
Trial Record
William Kelley
Margaret Kelley
Interpretations
Article 1, Issue 03: Ohio’s Steel Mill War
Ohio’s Steel Mill War — The Little Steel Strike of 1937
by Benjamin Blake, Western Reserve Historical Society.
Big Steel and Little Steel
By this time [1937], CIO rank and file activism by the rubber and autoworkers had led to major union gains in these industries, culminating in the sit-down strikers’ victory over the notoriously anti-union General Motors in February, 1937. The steel industry was clearly the next theater of conflict in the CIO’s campaign for industrial unionism. However, the rising strength of the CIO unexpectedly convinced the traditionally anti-union United States Steel Corporation, singularly known as Big Steel, that compromise was a wiser course of action than an all-out war with the new union movement. Thus, to the great surprise of the union ranks, US Steel avoided a strike by signing a contract with SWOC on March 2, 1937. As news of the agreement spread, steelworkers celebrated throughout the nation. In Cleveland, a parade of several hundred automobiles drove through the Flats’ steel mill district loudly proclaiming victory over Big Steel.
The first SWOC written contract with US Steel was quite modest. It guaranteed for six months the wages, hours, benefits and limited seniority rights which were already in effect within the corporation. It confirmed a base wage rate of 52 cents an hour (adjusted for inflation, $6.80/hour in today’s dollars), a 40-hour week, three holidays, a one week vacation after 5 years, and departmental seniority rights. However, formal recognition of the union by management meant that union stewards were now official shop floor representatives of workers. It also meant that the company agreed in writing not to harass or victimize union members. In addition, mill workers had a genuine grievance procedure for the first time. Consequently, after seven brutal years of the Depression, steelworkers now had hope for a better future.
Big Steel’s surrender meant that SWOC gained instant credibility among the rank and file steelworkers throughout the industry. As membership cards poured into SWOC’s Pittsburgh headquarters, Phil Murray was confident that the other steel companies would follow US Steel, their national leader in industry policy. However, just as it looked as if Murray’s vision of peaceful industrial cooperation was about to be realized, it became increasingly apparent that the rest of the industry rejected US Steel’s new approach to labor relations.
Leading these companies collectively known as Little Steel, was Tom Girdler, President of Cleveland-based Republic Steel Corporation. Girdler personified the tough cadre of steel managers who had transformed America’s 19th century craft-based iron industry into the 20th century’s most technologically advanced center for steel production. Trained as an engineer at Lehigh University, Girdler viewed unions as a deadly threat to the ability of steel management to run their business as they saw fit. For Girdler, unions had no right infringing on management’s perogatives. Without absolute control, employers would not have a free hand to perfect the process of production and sustain technological innovation. This would in turn not only undermine the industry’s leading position in the world, but it would also put an end to American technological progress. Consequently, American steel makers must rule their labor force with an iron hand. In Girdler’s words, “You can’t relax authority and hope to keep it; neither in a home, a schoolroom, on a ship, in a factory, or a country.”
From World War I through the 1920s, this philosophy guided Girder’s management of the Jones and Laughlin Company’s steel mill in Aliquippa, Pennsylvania. In fact, Aliquippa was a company town, which Girdler later admitted he ruled as a “benevolent dictatorship,” regulating all aspects of the lives of its steelworkers. Aliquippa’s Slavic residents even dubbed Girdler the “czar” of “America’s Siberia.” Union organizers were banned from Aliquippa, and any that dared to show their face were beaten by company police and summarily expelled from the city. Girdler also maintained a large number of steelworker informants and undercover agents, who reported any union activity to management. Workers who persisted in union activities were fired from their jobs and expelled from company housing. The success of Girdler’s iron-hand strategy was proven when Aliquippa was the only major northern steel center that did not join the national 1919 steel strike. A decade later, Girdler brought this hard line management strategy over to the newly formed Republic Steel. As president of Republic, Girdler became nationally known for his favorite antiunion manifesto. “We won’t sign a contract. I have a little farm with a few apple trees and before spending the rest of my life dealing with unions I [will] raise apples and potatoes.”
Little Steel Strikes
When SWOC’s campaign at Republic began to gain momentum in the wake of the US Steel agreement, Girdler acted swiftly. Over 1000 union supporters were expelled from Republic’s Canton and Massillon, Ohio mills. One Republic supervisor bluntly told the locked-out workers that management intended to “starve them into submission.” In response, local SWOC leaders hastily called union meetings. In no mood to delay action, the union ranks voted for an immediate strike aimed at shutting down all local Republic operations in solidarity with their locked-out union brothers. After the vote, and without gaining authorization from SWOC’s national headquarters, hundreds of workers moved to set up picket lines at all Canton and Massillon Republic plants. Within a few hours, 13,000 Republic workers had downed their tools, beginning the latest steel strike since 1919. As one union official commented to the press, Canton and Massillon steelworkers simply “took it upon themselves to call the strike,” in a “spontaneous protest because of discrimination a against [union] men in Republic plants.”
In response to the unauthorized Canton and Massillon walkouts, Philip Murray called a “war board” meeting of the union’s two hundred Little Steel representatives. Going into the meeting, Murray faced the dilemma of how to present a cooperative attitude toward steel management, while at the same time being democratically responsive to the militancy of the rank and file. Inside the conference hall, Murray faced union organizers demanding a national strike against the major Little Steel companies. They saw no reason for delay, given that Big Steel had signed a union contract. Moreover, the scale of Republic’s attack on the union at Canton and Massillon made an immediate response virtually inevitable. As Clinton Golden, SWOC eastern regional director, later recounted, “We had tried to avoid getting involved in strikes. We were, on the other hand, mindful of the spirit of the members, their attitude about these things, and I think we agreed that in the absence of any contract, and particularly with the knowledge of the Republic Steel Corporation’s methods and policies toward the organization, that if some sort of action was not taken, the organization would be destroyed. I think that the members felt very strongly that way themselves.” One Youngstown SWOC representative candidly put the situation this way, “We’ve had a hell of a time holding the men in. If I go back without word to go out at 11 o’clock tonight, I will get my throat cut.” Fortunately for this delegate, the conference voted unanimously for an immediate national strike at three major Little Steel companies, Republic, Youngstown Sheet and Tube Company, and Inland Steel Corporation.
By June 22, the mill entrance in Youngstown would be guarded by not only Republic Steel’s armed forces but also by the National Guard. That night, May 26, 1937, thousands of steelworkers, their families and supporters crowded around the mill gates of northeastern Ohio to cheer the second shift workers as they came off the job. At the main gate of Republic’s mill in Cleveland, over six hundred workers maintained a mass picket through the night. By daybreak, the huge mill, which normally employed 6500 workers, was a ghost town. As the first day of the strike continued, the tense atmosphere of the picket line eased into a holiday spirit as the success of the strike became apparent to the rank and file. In Ohio’s steel towns, the strike was nearly one hundred percent effective. Only at the large Republic mill in Warren did a significant number of workers cross the picket line. In Youngstown, the city police chief even tried to dampen the strike’s holiday mood when he issued an official statement asking citizens to avoid the picket lines, advising, “‘This is no time to go sightseeing.”
As the strike became a reality, Republic Steel hurriedly mailed off a pamphlet to its 55,000 workers that reiterated the company’s traditional support for an “open shop.” Under this policy, individual workers could join a union, but the organization would have no formal recognition, or bargaining rights with management. Entitled The Real Issues, the pamphlet accurately argued that SWOC’s ultimate goal was a “closed shop” and a dues check-off system in which all workers would be required to join the union and the company would deduct union dues from workers’ paychecks. The pamphlet also accurately noted that Republic matched the wages and benefits of other steel makers. However, Republic’s rather vague claim that it maintained “collective bargaining” with its employees was not accurate. Management refused to negotiate with SWOC representatives at any level of the organization, and employees had no formal grievance procedure. In fact, Republic’s company union, or employee representation plan, had ceased to function by 1937 and is not even mentioned in the pamphlet. Also absent is any discussion of the central issue of a federally supervised election to detain the question of union representation. This is not surprising, given that Republic’s lawyers were challenging SWOC’s petition for just such an election on the very same day the pamphlet was mailed out. In any event, The Real Issues had little impact as the vast majority of Republic workers who were quietly voting for the union with their feet.”
Peaceful Protest and the Memorial Day Massacre
The peaceful beginning of the strike was only marred by two incidents of violence, both by Republic Steel police. In Cleveland, a Republic police lieutenant, unfamiliar with the type of shotgun he was loading, accidentally fired it, narrowly missing his commanding officer. In Canton, a more serious incident occurred when a Republic policeman shot and seriously wounded a man whom he thought was a union militant leading an attack on a police guard shack. As it turned out, the man was a foreman who was running away from a group of angry pickets.
These incidents illustrated the degree to which Republic had armed itself in preparation for the strike. Republic’s management most feared a repetition of the auto and rubber workers’ sit-down tactic in which company operations would be shutdown by union supporters occupying the mills. Shortly before the strike, in a speech given in Warren, Ohio, Tom Girdler had denounced the CIO’s “labor racketeers,” who were organizing stoning parties,” which were then traveling around America conducting sit-down strikes. In this way, according to Girdler, “a small militant group of workers, aided by outsiders, already close a plant and throw the majority of employees out of their jobs.” For Girdler, these strikes had nothing to do with wages or working conditions, but were “conducted for political purposes.”‘
Consequently, to prevent Republic mills from being occupied and to prepare for any possible violence during a strike, the company amassed one of the largest private arsenals in America. It was later revealed that the Republic Steel police force purchased the following munitions in the period leading up to the strike: 7855 tear and sickening gas grenades and shells, 105 guns for firing gas shells, 247 revolvers, 142 shot guns, 75,650 rounds of ammunition, plus 400 magazines for rifles. In addition, high-powered Springfield and Winchester rifles were usually part of each Republic mill’s magazine, and a corps of “4 special men” were even equipped with Thompson machine guns. When asked by reporters about the company’s stockpile of munitions, Girdler simply responded, “Sure we got guns.”
Republic’s arms buildup, along with the Canton incident, did not bode well for Phil Murray’s hope for a peaceful strike settlement. In fact, Murray publicly charged that Republic was preparing a “reign of terrorism” against union members, and had given its police “shoot to kill” orders. However, Murray’s alarmist warning and call for the disarmament of Republic was ignored by public authorities given the fact that peace prevailed on the picket lines.
However, the quiet calm of the first few days of the strike was abruptly shattered on Memorial Day. In Chicago, over 1500 SWOC members and their families gathered to rally in a park a few blocks from Republic’s south side mill. The crowd was in an angry mood given the support Republic was receiving from the Chicago police, a fact stressed by a number of union speakers. Toward the end of program, someone in the crowd yelled out a suggestion that the group should march to the mill. When the SWOC leader at the podium hesitated to respond to the question, someone else shouted out that a vote should be taken. Caught off guard, the union speaker called for a voice vote and the crowd roared its approval. Soon, union supporters were forming up four abreast to march on the mill.
The goal of the SWOC marchers was to establish the right to mass picket in front of the mill. This question was critical for the Chicago SWOC because Republic had been able to sustain partial operations at their mill with 200-300 workers who opposed the strike. These workers were able to easily get to and from work because Chicago police had limited picketing to a handful of union men. In fact, Republic provided room, board, tear gas equipment and extra pay for a contingent of fifty Chicago police, who were permanently stationed inside the mill. As the SWOC march approached, this force, which was augmented by an additional 200 officers, formed a line across the marchers’ path a short distance from the mill. With their route blocked, the marchers soon began piling up into a larger and larger crowd in front of the police. At first, the protesters argued with the police, trying to convince them to let the march proceed. Soon the heated arguments degenerated into scuffles, and a few members of the crowd began throwing sticks and stones at the police. Suddenly, the police panicked and opened fire. One steelworker later recounted, “I was in the war and I fought in France, but I never heard so many bullets as those coppers fired. Women and children were screaming all over the place. They were like a herd of cattle panic stricken. I ran till they got me. I saw one woman shot down and a policeman dragged her away.”
In the wake of the “Memorial Day Massacre, ten workers lay dead and over sixty were struggling to recover from gunshot wounds. For the union, this tragedy illustrated how difficult it was to maintain a peaceful, disciplined organization, while at the same time, remain democratically responsive to the militancy of the rank and file. In addition, this incident posed the question of how to counter public authorities that openly sided with management’s efforts to break the strike. The Chicago police order limiting picketing was effectively defeating the strike. Moreover, the claims by the Chicago police that deadly force was justified because the marchers intended to invade the mill and attack the strike breakers working inside, and that their officers only opened fire in self-defense in response to gunfire coming from the union ranks, further worked to undermine SWOC’s strike effort.
In banner headlines immediately following the “Memorial Day Massacre,” the police version of the event was prominently featured in the news, despite the fact that there was no independent evidence to support the police claims. Republic Steel even prepared a public relations pamphlet that reproduced a collection of newspaper editorials condemning the union protesters and praising the police action. For example, one Chicago Tribune editorial labeled the SWOC marchers a “murderous mob,” and congratulated the police, who were able to “control the situation with relatively little loss of life.” Complementing the journalistic reaction to this incident, Tom Girdler expressed little sympathy for the dead. When asked by a reporter whether or not he thought the marchers actually intended to enter the mill, Girdler sarcastically responded, “Maybe they were out to catch butterflies.”
The Struggle Intensifies
As the “Memorial Day Massacre” headlines faded away, both labor and management maneuvered to gain an advantage in the intensified struggle. While the strike had been peaceful in Ohio, Little Steel management used the Chicago violence to give credibility to its claims that only a small minority of union militants were using the threat of violence to keep the vast majority of workers from entering the mills. In typically blunt manner, Tom Girdler stated to the press that most Ohio operations were shut down because, “We feared it would lead to tremendous bloodshed if we tried to operate here. We want to avoid violence at any cost.” Another high-level Republic official more candidly added, “When enough employees want to work, and can get to work safely,” the company would reopen its mills. In the meantime, management did not want its workers to have to “wade through blood” to get to their jobs.
Behind Republic’s strident rhetoric was the failure of the initial stages of its strike-breaking strategy. Unlike the 1919 national steel strike, management public relations efforts, aimed at winning over the middle class, had not generated significant active opposition to the strike. In Warren, Youngstown, Massillon and Canton, company-sponsored, ad-hoc citizens groups remained skeletal organizations, unable to mobilize a significant number of people to anti-strike rallies. In Cleveland, Republic did not even try to form such a public group. Similarly, Republic’s efforts to revive company unions to promote a back-to-work movement proved unsuccessful. In Cleveland attendance at the meetings of the newly formed Republic Steel Corporation Employees Association actually declined as the strike progressed. At one of their meetings, typically packed with foreman and office employees, a resolution was even passed in sympathy with the victims of the “Memorial Day Massacre.” This action could not have pleased upper-level Republic management.
More importantly, efforts to form squads of special deputies to escort workers through the picket lines also proved to be ineffective. In Youngstown. this armed force of mostly deputized, loyal company men grew to over three hundred and fifty, but it never directly challenged SWOC’s mass pickets. In Cleveland, Safety Director Elliot Ness prohibited company men from being deputized as special police for strike breaking duty. In contrast, Cuyahoga County Sheriff Martin L. O’Donnell, a former Republic mill superintendent, did deputize a squad of over one hundred company loyalists, but they were never deployed against Cleveland picket lines.
The early failure of Republic’s locally based strategy meant that management was forced to shift to the state level in its search for adequate forces to break the strike. While strike-breaking was not very popular in the state’s steel communities, management knew that Ohio’s Democratic Governor Martin L. Davey would be vulnerable to antiunion sentiment outside the state’s strike zones. Calling out the National Guard to break the strike could be a shrewd political move for a governor who needed the votes of downstate moderate conservatives to stay in office.
With this shift in strategy, Little Steel management now wanted to meet with Governor Davey after having turned down earlier offers by the governor to arbitrate the dispute. In announcing his new mediation effort, Governor Davey presented a stance of neutrality: “The present developments and proposed actions by both sides are laden with grave possibilities with the ominous chance of rioting, bloodshed and loss of life. The state must be entirely impartial and respect the rights of all concerned. But we cannot risk the danger of preventable bloodshed in Ohio.”
Recognizing the new situation, SWOC attempted to turn the governor’s initiative to its advantage. Speaking publicly for the first time since the “Memorial Day Massacre,” John L. Lewis denounced Tom Girdler in typically graphic fashion as a “heavily armed monomaniac, with murderous tendencies, who has gone berserk,” who must be “disarmed and restrained by the government before he turns the steel districts into a bloody shambles and looses all the pent-up forces of human passion.” In effect, this was a call for President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Governor Davey to send in the National Guard to protect the strikers, keep the mill shut down, and force Little Steel management into a settlement.
In this atmosphere of militant posturing and maneuvering on both sides, it came as no surprise that Davey’s mediation efforts collapsed. With no hope for a settlement at the state level, Davey requested federal intervention. President Roosevelt responded by ordering the establishment of a Federal Steel Mediation Board “to provide an additional means of accomplishing a reasonable solution to this controversy” in “the interests of industrial peace.” From the bully pulpit, FDR also put pressure on the companies, telling reporters that common sense dictated that the companies should sip a contract. The next day, SWOC ran full page newspaper advertisements headlined, “PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT SAYS: ‘The Strikers are Right.’”
In response to FDR’s jaw-boning, Little Steel management stiffened its stance in the Federal mediation sessions. U.S. Secretary of Labor Francis Perkins’ plea for a maintenance of the “status quo” was summarily rejected. It also quickly became apparent that management viewed the Steel Board as a public relations platform from which it could call for an investigation of the “reign of anarchy” and the “breakdown of law enforcement in the steel communities, rather than a forum for an actual strike settlement.” Girdler further turned up the rhetorical duel with Lewis with by explicitly red-baiting the union for the first time: “Must Republic and its men submit to the communistic dictates and terrorism of the CIO? If America is to remain a free country, the answer is no.”
The Women’s Day Massacre
Despite the extreme rhetorical battles between the SWOC leadership and Little Steel management, the strike in Ohio remained remarkably uneventful. In fact, to relieve the monotony of picket duty and demonstrate the continued support of the steelworkers’ wives for the union, SWOC’s women’s auxiliary in Youngstown organized a “Women’s Day” on the picket line. The event was not unusual in the steel communities, but marked a significant change from the past steel-union practice of hiring women. At least part of the reason for this change in attitude was a product of the defeat of the 1919 national steel strike. In that strike, management had some success in appealing to steelworkers’ wives to put pressure on their husbands to return to work. This time around, veteran steel unionists wanted to preempt any management sponsored back-to-work movement among steelworkers’ wives.
However, SWOC’s progressive attitude toward women did not sit well with Charley Richmond, a hard-nosed Youngstown city police captain who took command of that afternoon’s picket detail. One SWOC member later recalled that shortly after coming on duty, Richmond stormed into SWOC’s Republic office demanding, “I want them women off that picket line down there.”‘ Unable to locate any union leaders, Richmond returned to the mill gate with a small contingent of police and ordered the women pickets to stop sitting on chairs and start moving in a circle. Richmond apparently peppered his command with comments to the effect that the picket tine was no place for women and that they should stay home where they belonged. Richmond’s attitude did not go over well with the women pickets, who began arguing with the police captain. Richmond later claimed that the women refused to move and began “cursing at me, spitting at me, and screaming at me in their foreign tongue.” In response, the police captain took the dangerous action of using tear gas on the pickets, including children, and at least one infant in his mother’s arms. As the gas grenades exploded, the crowd of pickets scattered to escape the fumes.
In the ensuing melee, a growing crowd of angry union supporters gathered to confront the police. Outraged by the attack on the women and children, the crowd proceeded to beat a policeman who had become isolated from his fellow officers. Panicked by the crowd’s violence, the main force of policeman opened fire from Republic’s main gate. Immediately, several union supporters fell wounded, but surprisingly, the crowd did not flee the scene. It regrouped to re-engage the police. From that point on, the confrontation escalated into an all-out battle, apparently fueled by a false rumor that the police had killed a pregnant steelworker’s wife. As one union organizer later recalled, “When I got there I thought the Great War had started over again. Gas was flying all over the place and shots flying and flares going up and it was the first time I had ever seen anything like it in my life…” Captain Richmond later described the scene in these words, “Things would be quiet for a few minutes, and then spasmodic firing of pistols and revolvers and rifles would start up. The crowd would start for us, and we were forced to use gas to drive them back again.”
As the battle continued through the night, local SWOC leaders risked their lives in an attempt to restore order and protect union supporters, many of whom arrived on the scene. As SWOC organizer John Steuben later recounted, “We made a series of attempts there — myself and others — to take the crowds up that hill on Powersdale, because it was a very dangerous situation; in fact, it just looked like civil war.”‘ In addition, SWOC organizers frantically tried to get the authorities to call a cease-fire. However, their efforts met with no success, and the conflict continued to spiral out of control. As one SWOC member later recounted, “The shooting was going on, and I was standing right in front with bullets whizzing by my ears … They were shooting the real stuff — bullets. …I said: ‘Boys, we’re all crippled up. Let’s retreat.’ Just then I saw a fellow reaching down for his handkerchief; the gas was bad. A bullet hit him. I heard him gurgle.” Two young strikers then came to the aid of the wounded John Bogovich as blood poured from his neck. As they attempted to get him to safety, the men carrying Bogovich were forced to the ground three times to avoid new volleys of police gunfire. Unfortunately, their efforts were in vain. Bogovich died on the way to the hospital.
As word of the shooting of Bogovich spread through the neighborhoods surrounding Youngstown’s steel mills, the battle intensified. In fact, according to a police radio log, the strikers began returning police gunfire about a half-hour after Bogovich was rushed from the scene. By dawn, John Steuben was able to negotiate a peaceful withdrawal of the law enforcement forces. As the last officers left the scene, SWOC organizers gathered the remaining 200 union supporters for a debriefing. Addressing the assembled crowd, John Steuben declared, “Although we were completely unarmed, we stood our ground. Girdler can add one more to his bloody list. We are pledging ourselves to fight to the last drop of blood until we win this strike.” The group of exhausted union activists then paused for a moment of silence for their dead.
The National Guard and Martial Law
For the union, the “Women’s Day Massacre” was not only a tragedy, but it once again illustrated how peaceful protest could unexpectedly explode into to violence. For John Steuben and Bob Burke, SWOC’s two most important Youngstown organizers, it was a bitterly frustrating experience. After twenty-five exhausting days of maintaining disciplined and highly effective mass picket lines, the two militant unionists, both Communist Party members, were unable to contain the rage of the rank and file in the face of an unanticipated police provocation. While the steelworkers fought the police to a standoff, it was a pyhrric victory. Republic was not trying to move strikebreakers or supplies into the mill at the time of the battle. Moreover, while sympathy for the strikers may have increased within Ohio’s steel communities, management’s case that SWOC was a violent organization gained more credibility downstate, and Little Steel was in a stronger position to lobby the governor for National Guard intervention to reopen the mills. Little Steel pressed its advantage by announcing that it planned to reopen the Youngstown mills.
With a massive battle brewing, Governor Davey placed a last minute telephone call to President Roosevelt to discuss deployment of the National Guard. According to Davey, FDR approved the action as “very fair and proper.” Immediately, the Governor mobilized 5,000 Ohio Guardsmen. In justifying this action, the Governor issued a proclamation declaring that “minor riots have occurred and a most serious riot is threatened.” He went on to assert that “local peace officers will be wholly unable to cope with the situation.” Therefore, “in order to prevent riots bloodshed and possible loss of life,” the National Guard would be deployed to maintain the “status quo.” This amounted to a declaration of martial law in Youngstown.
On the morning of May 25th, the first contingent of National Guard troops began arriving in the city. To their surprise, the Guardsmen were welcomed with open arms by most of the union’s ranks. A Guard intelligence report even noted a “consensus of feeling, all very friendly to O.N.G. troops.” On the surface, it appeared as if Davey was keeping the mills closed to the benefit of SWOC. In this situation, the Governor’s proclamation severely limiting SWOC picketing did not concern the union. In fact, John L. Lewis personally requested the withdrawal of pickets from the mill gates. This impression of an apparent pro-union stance by Davey was reinforced by Little Steel’s furious public reaction to the Governor’s order. Youngstown Sheet and Tube’s Purnell indignantly asked, “What right has the Governor to keep men from going to work?”
However, a series of actions by the Guard did not bode well for the union. A limit of ten pickets per gate was strictly enforced, and the martial law forces arrested at least 160 Youngstown unionists. Night raids were conducted on the homes of union supporters resulting in the jailing of both husbands and wives. On the picket line, one striker was even arrested for carrying a concealed fork. As John Steuben later recalled, “I don’t know one organizer who was not arrested three or four times during that period.” Many were detained indefinitely, incommunicado and without arraignment on specific charges. The union’s lawyers were even having trouble initiating habeas corpus proceedings.
Despite the antiunion actions by the National Guard, Phil Murray declared that Governor Davey’s “timely intervention to maintain peace, I know is appreciated by all right-thinking citizens.” Murray continued, “The governors of three states and the President of the United States have stated that they believe the corporations have a moral obligation to sign contracts. The issue has been beclouded by filthy poppycock and ballyhoo about violence. People who propagate such talk have the purpose of throwing a smoke screen over the issue. Why is blood spilled? Why are people murdered and children gassed? Because these corporations are brazen in their efforts to frustrate a federal statute. They precipitated the strike. We resorted to every possible means, conferences and the application of reason and intelligence, in the hope of composing our differences without need of a strike.”
While Murray was trying to get a message out to the public on the reasonableness of SWOC’s approach, Little Steel management staged a walkout of federal mediation efforts. An official management statement to the board fired a new volley of rhetoric against the union, declaring, “Clearly no responsible business concern should be expected to enter into contractual relations with an organization whose record shows persistent disregard of contracts and flagrant violation of the laws of the land and intimidation of public authorities to prevent the enforcement of those laws.” Moreover, “if the public authorities will in the discharge of their duties, use their power as they are in good faith bound to do, and will afford protection to those of our employees who manifest a desire to work under the established working conditions, the strike will be over tomorrow.”
The next day, that was exactly what happened. When Little Steel management refused to further participate in the federal mediation efforts, the last chance for a settlement was exhausted. In fact, the management walkout prompted Davey to immediately order the reopening of the mills under National Guard protection. The Governor justified his action with this official declaration, “Government must not abdicate its sovereign powers and responsibilities to any who challenge its existence. The right to work is sacred…. Those who want to return to their employment shall enjoy that privilege without being molested… The safeguarding of our liberties individually and collectively is a priceless heritage for our children and the millions of future Americans yet unborn.”
Davey’s sudden reversal caught the SWOC leadership completely by surprise. As one angry picket declared, “That guy Davey certainly gave us the double-cross.”‘ Consequently, the strike rapidly disintegrated as the SWOC leadership was unable to mount an effective counter response to Davey’s action. With the picket lines too small to be effective, the rock solid face of the strike collapsed as thousands of steelworkers returned to work. As one immigrant steelworker firmly observed, “The CIO, she blow up.”
Conclusion
Surprisingly, this defeat of SWOC’s last stand against Republic did not destroy the union’s campaign in Little Steel. Even blacklisting and long-term unemployment did not break the spirit of many union men. Ed Beck, a blacklisted Youngstown SWOC organizer, remembered paying union dues out of the money he earned on a government relief job, breaking “rock with a sledge along with hundreds of other young steelworkers.” When the full force of the Depression returned in the fall of 1937, Beck recalled that workers who had crossed the picket line now faced a new situation: “a good many of those people had gone back to work with promises from the company that they were going to be the ‘fair-haired’ boys and the company was going to take good care of them. Then, [when the Depression returned] they came out to work and break rock along with the rest of us, they were ready to agree with us union people.”
A crowd gathers on Cleveland’s Public Square to listen to CIO speakers, July 12, 1937/Cleveland Press Collection, Cleveland State University LibraryWhen the economy recovered under the impact of the World War II, SWOC emerged even stronger than it had been at the beginning of the Little Steel strike. In 1942, fearing a return of the spirit of 1937, and under intense government pressure to maintain war production, Little Steel management surrendered without the formality of a representative election. Republic was even forced to pay over $20 million in back pay for workers it had blacklisted in 1937. Tom Girdler did not retire to his potato farm, but rather remained a captain of the steel industry.
In the end, SWOC won the war with Little Steel, but the cost was high. The CIO never regained the energetic spirit it had in early 1937, and was forced to divert huge resources into maintaining the Little Steel campaign rather than expanding into new areas of organizing. Within manufacturing, Republic’s short-term success stiffened some employers’ resistance to the CIO. At the same time, a number of AFL unions reinvented themselves as industrial organizations and gave the CIO new competition. Under these difficult circumstances, Phil Murray, now president of the CIO, would try in vain to use the leverage of World War II to rekindle his vision of industrial democracy. Facing these forces, the CIO would be critically reshaped back toward a more modest perspective of “bread and butter” unionism, which would become the mark of its success in the post World War II years.
Document 1, Issue 02: Ohio City Directory, 1837
Ohio City
OHIO CITY is pleasantly situated on the west side of the Cuyahoga river, on a site of commanding eminence, and directly opposite the city of Cleveland. The original name of the place was Brooklyn, but on the 3d of March, 1836, the Legislature passed an act incorporating it as a city, under its present name. It consists of several good streets, the houses of which are well built.
There are four places of public worship in Ohio city, viz: an Episcopal, a Presbyterian, a Baptist, and a Methodist.
The Episcopal Church, which is not yet finished, is built of hammered stone, and has a lofty steeple. Its style of architecture is Gothic, resembling that of the ancient and venerable Cathedral. This building, when finished, will be one of the best of the kind in the western country, and may be considered as an ornament to the young city.
The present Presbyterian Church, which is a plain frame building, is found too small for the accommodations of the congregation; but arrangements are making for the erection of a new and more spacious edifice.
The Ohio City Exchange stands on an elevated site at the corners of Main and Centre streets. It is a magnificent brick building of five stories, crowned with a noble dome – and having splendid balconies in front, supported by pillars of the Ionic order.
Ohio City supports two district, and one free school, which are conducted in a manner that reflects credit on the managers.
Among the principal manufactories of the place may be mentioned the Cuyahoga Steam Furnace, the Salæratus manufactory, the Steam-Boiler factory, and the Glue manufactory.
The CUYAHOGA STEAM FURNACE, situate on River st. corner of Washington st. was incorporated in 1834, for the manufacture of cast and wrought iron work, adapted to the wants of the country. Capital $100,000 – three fourths of which is paid in. Josiah Barber, Richard Lord, John W. Allen, and Charles Hoyt, are the principal stockholders. The old establishment was burned to the ground in the spring of 1834, soon after the incorporation; since which time the present substantial brick structure, of 235 feet front, with a wing of 90 feet deep, has been erected for the different branches of the business; and is calculated to give employment to upwards of 100 workmen. The amount of castings turned off during the past year exceeded 500 tons, besides a great quantity of wrought iron work, &c. giving employment to seventy men.
Owing to the rapid development of the agricultural resources of this and the western states, requiring increased facilities for the erection of saw and flouring mills, the attention of the company has been chiefly given to improved geering and wrought iron work for them; and have furnished the greater proportion of the better class of mills in this region with their irons.
The establishment is under the control of Mr. Charles Hoyt, who has acquired a reputation for its manufacture that will compete with any other of the kind in the country.
The pig metal used here is chiefly obtained from a blast furnace at Dover (12 miles west,) belonging to the same concern, and is equal in quality to the best Scotch pig.
There are several extensive forwarding and commission houses in Ohio city; and the stores, which are numerous, are well stocked with every article in their line.
There is also a printing establishment in this place, from which are issued a weekly journal, entitled the “Ohio City Argus”. And a monthly periodical entitled the “Mothers and Young Ladies” Guide.”
The number of houses within the limits of the city may be estimated at 370, and the population we believe amounts to upwards of 2400.
The municipal government is vested in a Mayor, twelve Councilmen, a Recorder, Marshal and City Treasurer.
MUNICIPAL OFFICERS
Hon. Francis A. Burrows, Mayor.
COUNCILMEN.
Ezekiel Folsom,H. N. Ward,
S. W. Sayles,Norman C. Baldwin,
H. N. Barstow,William Burton,
Josiah Barber,Edward Concklin,
Edward Bronson,C. E. Hill,
Cyrus Williams,Luke Risley.
D.C. Van Tine, Treasurer.
C. L. Russell, Recorder.
Geo. L. Chapman, Marshal.
J. Freeman, Inspector.
FIRE DEPARTMENT.
H. Eldredge, Chief Engineer.
W. T. Ward, 1st Assistant Engineer.
H. N. Barstow, 2d Assistant Engineer.
H. G. Townsend, Foreman.
C. L. Russell, Assistant Foreman.
W. H. Hill, Secretary and Treasurer.
NAMES AND RESIDENCE
OF THE
HEADS OF FAMILIES, HOUSE-HOLDERS, &C.
In Ohio City, August, 1837.
ALDIS Mrs. baker and confectioner, Main st c. River st
Allen William, foundryman, Detroit st about Washington
Ames Jonathan, blacksmith, Columbus st
Appleby and Voorhees, cabinet makers, Pearl st
Appleby Richard, cabinet maker and turner, Columbus st
BAILEY Jehiel, ship carpenter, Vermont st
Baldwin Norman C. president of the Bank of Cleveland, Washington st
Baldwin royal, grocer, Pearl st
Ball John, farmer, Hanover st
Barber Josiah, Pearl st
Barker peter, blacksmith, Detroit st. r. Vermont st
Barrett John, brickmaker Pearl st
Barrows Mary Jane, school mistress, Church st
Barrows Mrs. Detroit st
Barstow & Co. forwarding and commission merchants, River st
Barstow H. N. (B, & co.) r. c. Prospect and Kentucky sts
Bates William, carriage maker, Detroit st
Baxter Benjamin D. joiner and carpenter, Fulton st
Beebee George W. dry goods merchant, Detroit st. r. Hanover st. c. Church st
Bennett Nathaniel, Clinton st
Beverlin & coy, tailors, Detroit st1837 Directory
Blake & Clark, brick makers, Monroe st
Blakesly Miss Julia, dress maker, Columbus st
Bond Elial, painter, Lorain st
Bond Thomas W. clerk for E. Folsom
Burnham Thomas, Hanover st
Burrows Hon. Francis A. Mayor, Terrace st
Burt John, mason, Washington st
Burton Byram, livery stable keeper, Detroit st. r. Hanover
Burton H. S. book keeper at G. W. Beebee’s, r. Hanover st
Burton Hubbard B. master mariner, Hanover st
Burton Isaac, Clinton st
Burton William Pearl st
Burton Sidney, Detroit st
Buxton Daniel, Detroit st
Bristow Austin, joiner, Hanover st
Brooks Thaddeus, master mariner, Clinton st
Brown George W. furnaceman, Turnpike st
Bronson Edward, Turnpike st
CAMPBELL Charles, painter, Brainard st
Cannon Miss Mary, teacher of free school, r. at Detroit st
Carey Daniel H. grocer, River st
Chapman G. L. City Marshal, Terrace st
Childs F. L. carriage maker, r. at Mrs. Barrows, Detroit st
Chester Edwin, boarding house, Pearl st
Clark Convis, joiner, Monroe st
Clark Corsemore, mason, Hanover st
Clark Crossman, mason, Fulton st
Clark Simeon, tailor, Hanover st. bn. Church & Detroit sts
Clark Vincent, teamster, Vermont st
Clemons A. B. (Oakley & C.) r. at O’Conner’s, Detroit st
Clemons John, mason, Pearl st
Clute James, shoemaker, Detroit st. ab. Washington st
Collins Peter, laborer, Pearl st
Concklin Edward boat captain, Monroe st
Concklin Joshua, joiner, Monroe st
Concklin Samuel, Monroe st
Cook William M. carpenter and joiner. Hicks st
Cox William, packer, York st
Coyne Joseph, laborer, Centre st
Crane Rev. S. R. Detroit st
Craig William, moulder, Hanover st
Craven John, laborer, Fulton st
CUYAHOGA STEAM FURNACE, River st. c. Washington st
DANFORTH Mrs. Mary, Vermont st1837 Directory
Darlington Thomas, carpenter and builder, Lorain st Dawson Mrs. boarding house, Vermont st
Dayton Abraham, boatman, River st
Dean Royal, cabinet maker, Fulton st
Dezendorf John, carpenter, Washington st
Dodge James, blacksmith, River st. r. Vermont st
Dougherty Michael, joiner, York st
Duay Mrs. Carroll st
Dun Richard, mason, Carroll st
Dutton Joseph, mason, Detroit st
Dyer Russel, Washington st
EARL John, shoe maker, Pearl st
Edson Calvin, farmer, Monroe st
Eldredge Hezekiah, architect and builder, Vermont st. c. Hanover st
Ellenwood Loran, carpenter, Lorain st
FIELD D. E. (A. B. Hall & co.) r. at Chapmans, Terrace st
Flagg Henry, jointer, Pearl st
Folsom Ezekiel, Washington st
Folsom Gilman, Jun. Detroit st
Folsom N. M. Washington st
Foot C. & co. copper, tin and sheet iron smiths, Detroit st. below Pearl
Fouts Jacob, carpenter, Church st
Fox Samuel, Detroit stFrazier Alexander, boot and shoe maker,
Detroit st. below Pearl st
Freeman George W. proprietor of American Hotel, Miami st. c. Elm
Freeman S. R. book keeper, r. American Hotel
Fuller William, book keeper, at Hoyt & Ward’s, r. at Haven’s, Detroit st. below Pearl
GEER Lurancy, milliner and dress maker, Detroit st
Griffith David, (G. & Standart, Cleveland) r. Washington st
Grunkemier Harm, laborer, Monroe st
Grunkemier Henry, laborer, Monroe st
HALL A. B. & co. watchmakers and jewellers, Detroit st 1837 Directory
Hamblin L. W. dealer in fancy and staple dry goods, &c. Detroit st. corner Turnpike, r. Wall st
Hamiup Joseph, shoemaker, Washington st
Harrison Mark, laborer, Washington st
Hartness James, dealer in groceries and provisions, Detroit st corner Pearl st
Hathaway Miss Laura, teacher district school, Vermont st
Haven O. & A. & co. tin, sheet iron, and stove dealers, Detroit st. below Pearl st
Hawley E. Y. printer, Argus office, Main st
Heaton A. G. teamster, Washington st
Hill Christopher E. physician and surgeon, Pearl st
Hill C. E. & co. hardware merchants, Detroit st. bel. Pearl
Hill W. H. (C. E. H. & co.) r. Pearl st
Holliday John, laborer, Pearl st. corner Detroit st
Holmes Silas M. (Viets, Ludlow & H.) r. Pearl st
Houghton Arad, joiner, Pearl st
Howard Francis, furnaceman, Turnpike st
Hoyt, Ward & co. dry goods merchants Detroit st
Hoyt Charles, agent for the Cuyahoga Steam Furnace Co. r. Detroit st. above Washington st
Hughes Hugh, pattern maker, Detroit st. ab. Washington1837 Directory
Hurlbert —, Prospect st
Hunt & Macey, carpenters and builders, Hicks st
Hunt Enoch, (H. & macey,) r. Lorain st
Huntington W. T. physician and surgeon, Detroit st. corner Turnpike st. r. Detroit st. ab. Pearl st
JEFFERSON House, Charles Murcott, Terrace st
Jewitt Henry, teamster, Hanover st
Johnson Haynes, Church st
Johnson Phillip, painter and glazier, Ann st
Johnson Samuel E. carpenter, Pearl st
Joyce J. D. (J. Gillespie & co.) r. Centre st
KEAN James, laborer, Pearl st
Kelsey Eli c. store keeper, River st
Kemble Leonard, mason, Duane st. c. Detroit
Kenedy Arvin, carder and fuller, Columbus st
Kenedy Michael, joiner, Washington
Kilgannon William, laborer, Pearl st
LACEY Isaac, joiner, Fulton st
Lamb Daniel H. salæratus manufacturer, Washington st
Lawrence Henry, carpenter, Hanover st
Leonard Cornelius P. druggist and chemist, Detroit st below Turnpike st
Le Roy Francis L. goldsmith, Detroit st
Lewis Chitman, Clinton st
Lockwood James, tinsmith, Washington st
Lockwood john, saddle and harness maker, Detroit st below Pearl st. r. Pearl st
Ludlow Watson, (Viets, L. & Holmes,) r. Franklin House Cleveland
Luther J. H. (Smith, L. & co.) r. Tremont Block, Main st
McARTHUR Mrs. Hannah, milliner and dress maker, Detroit st. below Pearl st
McArthur Ransom, joiner, Detroit st. below Pearl st
McCain Benjamin, jeweller, r. at Johnson’s, Pearl st
McCreary Richard, carpenter, Ann st
McGeary Mrs. boarding house, Pearl st
McGuire James, Detroit st
McKenna John, shoemaker, Detroit st
McLeish William, pattern maker, Pearl st
Macey Charles, (Hunt & M.) r. Hicks st
Malton Mrs. Vermont st
Manchester George, draper and tailor, Detroit st. below Pearl st. r. Washington st
Mannering Daniel, boatman, Detroit st
Masters Thomas, master mariner, Monroe st
Mathews Thomas, laborer, Fulton st
Meech Samuel L. forwarding and commission merchant, River st
Merrick A. W. joiner, Centre st
Merrill William P. r. American Hotel1837 Directory
Miller Alexander G. joiner, Hanover st
Miller William, foundryman, Detroit st. ab. Washington st
Miner Seldom, carpenter & joiner, Tremont Block, Main st
Moore Seth, Detroit st
Morgan Eli, salt merchant, River st
Murcott Charles, proprietor of Jefferson House, Terrace st
Murphy John, grocer, Detroit st. below Pearl st
Musgrave John, laborer, Hicks st
NEAL William, joiner, Lorain st. near Columbus st
Newton Henry, book keeper, r. Washington st
Nicholson Guy, carpenter and joiner, Fulton st
North Noah, portrait painter, Ohio City Exchange
North Samuel, carpenter, Pearl st
OAKLEY & Clemons, cabinet warehouse, Detroit st. c. Wall st
O’Connor Armon, joiner, Detroit st1837 Directory
O’Conner Bostwick, land agent and broker, Columbus st
O’Donnell John, furnaceman, Terrace st
Ohio City Argus, office Tremont Block, Main st
Ohio City Exchange, H. H. Wickware, corner of Main and Centre sts
Ohio City District School, Vermont st
Ohio City Drug Store, Detroit st. near Turnpike st
Ohio City Free School, Church st
Olin Miss, assistant teacher free school, r. Clinton st
O’Rorke George, mason, Pearl st
Osborn William, joiner, Vermont st
Osmon George, ferryman, River st
PARKS E. N. (Turfs & P.) r. Franklin House, Cleveland
Patridge Samuel, boot and shoe maker, Pearl st
Patridge William, boot and shoe maker. Pearl st
Pearl Street House, Pearl st. c. Detroit st
Pearson & Sheldon, physicians and surgeons, Pearl st. near corner of Detroit st
Person Amos, (P. & Sheldon,) r. Wall st
Peek Henry, laborer, Detroit st
Peters Lanson W. foundryman, Pearl st
Pickans Rev. J. D. Turnpike st
Post Office, Detroit st below Pearl
Powell Archibald, tavern keeper, Detroit st. c. Washington
QUIAN John, foundryman, Detroit st. above Washington
Ray John, warehouseman, Church st
Read Gustavus A. joiner, Hanover st
Richaley Ann, boarding house, Pearl st
Risley Luck, post-master, Detroit st. below Pearl st
Roche Michael, laborer Pearl st
Rogers John, laborer, Fulton st
Rogers Mrs. tailoress, Miami st
Ross James, teamster, Monroe st
Russel & Strong, attornies at law, Detroit st. bel. Pearl st
Russel C. L. justice of the peace, Detroit st. below Pearl st. r. at Mr. Winslow’s, Washington st. c. West st
SANFORD Daniel, ship joiner, Hanover s
Sargeant Levi, laborer, Pearl st
Sayles & Turney, hat and cap manufacturers, Tremont Block, Main st. and Detroit st.
Sayles S. W. (S. & Turney,) r. Detroit st
Scilar Ransom D. laborer, Vermont st
Sedgwick Jason, joiner, Vermont st
Seldon George, brick maker, Monroe st
Shanks Henry, moulder, Hanover st
Sheldon Benjamin, (Pearson & S.) r. between Detroit and Vermont sts
Sheldon Seth H. Clinton st
Sims John, master mariner, Detroit st
Slaght Edgar, joiner, Washington st
Smart Nathan, joiner, Lorain st
Smead T. H. editor and publisher of the Ohio City Argus, Tremont Block, r. bn. Vermont and Detroit sts
Smith George P. joiner, Vermont st. r. Washington st
Smith Hiram, painter, Vermont st
Smith James P. grocer, Pearl st
Smith J. B. (S., Luther & co.) r. at Chester’s, Pearl st
Smith, Luther & co. dry goods and hardware merchants, Tremont Block, Main st
Solloway & Humpries, butchers, Detroit st. bel. Pearl st1837 Directory
Spicer William, cabinet maker, Pearl st
Standart N. M. (Griffith & S. Cleveland,) r. Washington st
Stone Garad, laborer, River st
Strong Homer, painter, Monroe st
Strong Finlay, (Rissell & S.) r. at Brunson’s Turnpike st
Sweet Bemsley, master mariner, r. American Hotel
TAINTOR Jesse F. r. Clinton st
Taintor Mrs. Clinton st
Taintor William, clerk for C. P. Leonard, Detroit st
Taylor Charles, farmer, Detroit st
Taylor Uriah, cabinet maker, York st
Thayer L. C. carpenter and joiner, Clinton st
Thomas Charles, farmer, Pearl st
Thompson Jonathan, joiner, Hicks st
Thorp James H. joiner, Clinton st
Tilden Philo, proprietor of the Middleburg furnace, r. Turnpike st
Tisdale Erastus, boat builder, Hicks st
Tomkins Silas, joiner, York st
Toms William, butcher, Pearl st
Townsend Horace G. tallow chandler, Turnpike st
Tufts & Parks, forwarding and commission merchants, River st. opposite Cleveland Centre
Tufts Amos, (T. & Parks,) r. Centre st. c. Spruce st1837 Directory
Tyler D. C. & co. dry goods merchants, Detroit st. above Turnpike
Tyler Lorenzo, (D. C. T. & co.) r. Detroit st
Tyler S. & L. grocers, River st. corner Main st
Tyler Samuel, (S. & L. Tyler,) r. Washington st
Tyley David, ship carpenter, Pearl st
UPHAM Joshua, painter and glazier, Vermont st
TAFT Wm. P. architect and builder, Turnpike st
Van Tick Joseph, M.D., Hicks st
Van Tine D. C. Prospect st
Vaughan John, grocer, Pearl st
Viets, Henry, Vermont st
Viets, Ludlow & Holmes, commission and produce merchants, River st
Viets William A. (V., Ludlow & Holmes,) r. Turnpike st
WAGGONER William, warehouseman, River st
Waller, C. C. Clinton st
Wansor Jacob, tinner, Detroit st
Ward H. N. (W. & Smith, Cleveland,) at Judge Barber’s, Pearl st
Ward William T. (Hoyt, W. & co.) r. Pearl st
Weaver Peter, Vermont st
Wenbel John, waggon maker, Wall st
Wenham James, gardiner, Main st
Wheat Solomon, painter and glazier, Turnpike st
Wheat Solomon, Vermont st
Wheelock E. G. at Murphy’s, Detroit st. corner Pearl st
White Andrew, grocer, Pearl st. r. Detroit st
White Samuel, farmer, Carroll st
Whiter Alfred, Vermont st
Whitney Rev. Jacob, Hicks st
Wickware H. H. proprietor of Ohio City Exchange, Main st. corner Centre st
Wigginton Joseph, ship carpenter, River st
Wilcox Aaron, blacksmith, River st
Williams Cyrus, architect and builder, State st1837 Directory
Wilson Ephraim grocer, Detroit st. r. Church st
Wilslow Charles, Washington st. corner West st
Winslow Seymour, book keeper, Washington st
Wornington William, carpenter, Prospect st
FOREIGN COINS AND CURRENCIES
THOSE, THE VALUE OF WHICH IS ESTABLISHED BY LAW.
£ sterling of Great Britain and Ireland, ……………………………………………. $4 80
Florin or Guilder of the United Netherlands, ………………………………………. 40
Mark banco of Hamburg, ………………………………………………………….. 33 1/3
Rix Dollar of Denmark, ……………………………………………………………. 1 00
Real plate of Spain, ………………………………………………………………… 10
” Vellon, ……………………………………………………………………….. 05
Milrea of Portugal, ………………………………………………………………… 1 24
Tale of China, ……………………………………………………………………… 1 48
Pagoda of Bombay, ………………………………………………………………… 1 84
Do. Of Madras, Bengal and Calcutta, …………………………………………… 2 00
Sicca Rupee of Bengal or Bombay, ………………………………………………… 50
Parts of the foregoing.
The £ of England, Ireland, Halifax. Quebec, &c. is divided into 20s.
Each shilling, ……………………………………………….. 12d.
A Florin or Guilder of Netherlands, ……………………………………… 100 centimes.
” Mark Banco of Hamburgh, …………………………………………….. 16 schillings.
” Rix Dollar of Denmark, ………………………………………………… 96 ”
” Rupee of Bengal, &c……………………………………………………. 16 annes.
each anne, …………………………………………… 12 pice.
” Milrea of Portugal, ……………………………………………………… 1000 reas.
” Tale of China, …………………………………………………………… 10 mace.
each mace, ………………………………………… 10 candareens.
each candareen, …………………………………… 10 cash.
” Pagoda of India, …………………………………………………….. 42 fanams.
each fanam, ………………………………………. 80 cash.
Those, the value of which is fixed by custom and by the treasury department.
A Florin of Java is…………………………………………………………… $0 40
” Rix Dollar of Bremin, ……………………………………………………… 75
” Milrea of Brazil, according to its value compared with Spanish or American Dollars.
” Franc of France, ……………………………………………………………. 18¾
A £ of Nova Scotia and other British Provinces of North America, ………… 4 00
” Scudo of Malta, …………………………………………………………….. 40
An ounce of Sicily, …………………………………………………………… 2 46
A Pezza of Leghorn, ………………………………………………………….. 90¾
” Livre of do. ………………………………………………………….. 15¾
” new Livre of Genoa, ………………………………………………………… 18¾
” Ducat of Naples, …………………………………………………………….. 80
” Rix dollar of Prussia, ……………………………………………………… 68 29/100
” Florin of do. ……………………………………………………… 22¾
” Florin of Bohemia, Trieste and Augsburg, ……………………………….. 48
” ” of St. Gall, …………………………………………………………. 40 36/100
” Silver Rouble of Russia, ………………………………………………….. 75
” Paper Rouble of Russia, according to its value compared with Spanish or American dollars.
” Piastre of Smyrna, do. Do
” Rix dollar of Saxony, …………………………………………………….. 69
” Rix dollar of Gibraltar, …………………………………………………… 1 00
” Tical of Siam, …………………………………………………………….. 61 7/10
Parts of the foregoing.
A Bremin Rix Dollar is divided into ……………………………………… 72 grotes.
” Franc, ……………………………………………………………………. 100 centimes.
” Scudo of Malta, ………………………………………………………….. 12 taris.
each Tari, ………………………………………………. 20 grains.
” Pezza and Livre, …………………………………………………………. 20 soldi.
each Soldi, ……………………………………………… 12 denaris.
” New Livre, ………………………………………………………………. 100 centimes.
An Ounce of Sicily, ……………………………………………………….. 30 tarins.
each Tarin, …………………………………………….. 20 grains.
A Florin of Trieste, &c…………………………………………………….. 60 kreutzers.
” Ducat of Naples, …………………………………………………………. 10 carlins.
each Carlin, …………………………………………… 10 grains.
” Rix dollar of Prussia and Saxony, ………………………………………. 24 groschen.
each Groschen, ………………………………………. 12 pfenings.
” Florin of Prussia, ……………………………………………………….. 16 groschen.
” Rouble of Russia, ………………………………………………………. 100 copecs.
” Piaster of Smyrna, ……………………………………………………… 40 paras.
” Dollar of Gibraltar, …………………………………………………….. 12 reals.
each Real, …………………………………………… 16 quartos.
BILLS RELATING TO GOLD AND SILVER COINS,
Passed in June, 1834.
Bill concerning the Gold Coins of the United States, and for other purposes.Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Gold Coins of the United States shall contain the following quantities of metal, that is to say: – each Eagle shall contain two hundred and thirty-two grains fine gold, and two hundred and fifty-eight grains standard gold; each Half Eagle one hundred and sixteen grains fine gold, and one hundred and twenty-nine grains standard gold; each Quarter Eagle shall contain fifty-eight grains fine gold, and sixty-four and a half grains standard gold; every such Eagle shall be of the value of ten Dollars; every such Half Eagle shall be of the value of five Dollars; and every such Quarter Eagle shall be of the value of two Dollars and fifty cents; and the said gold coins shall be receivable in all payments, when of such weight, according to their respective values; and when of less than such weight, at less values, proportioned to their respective actual weights.
Sec. II And be it further enacted, That all standard gold and silver deposits for coinage, after the 31st day of July next, shall be paid for in coin, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury, within five days from the making such deposit, deducting from the amount of said deposit of gold and silver, one half of one per centum; Provided, that no deduction shall be made unless said advance be required by such depositer within forty days.
Sec. III And be it further enacted, That all gold coins of the United States, minted anterior to the 31st day of July next, shall be receivable in all payments at the rate of ninety-four and eight tenths of a cent per penny-weight.
Sec. IV. And be it further enacted, That this act shall be in force from and after the 31st day of July, in the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-four.
______
An Act regulating the value of certain foreign Gold Coins within the United States
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That from and after the 31st day of July next, the following gold coins shall pass current as money, within the United States, and be receivable in all payments, by weight, for the payment of all debts and demands, at the rates following, that is to say : – the gold coins of Great Britain, Portugal and Brazil, of not less than twenty-two carats fine, at the rate of ninety-four cents and eight tenths of a cent per pennyweight; the gold coins of France, 9-10ths fine, at the rate of 93 cents and 1-10th of a cent per pennyweight; and the gold coins of Spain, Mexico and Columbia, of the fineness of 20 carats, 3 grains and 7-16ths of a grain, at the rate of 89 cents and 9-10ths of a cent per pennyweight.
Sec. II. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to cause assays of the aforesaid gold coins made current by this act, to be had at the mint of the United States, at least once in every year, and to make report of the result thereof to Congress.
_______
An Act regulating the value of certain foreign Silver Coins within the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Untied States of America, in Congress assembled, That from and after the passage of this act, the following silver coins shall be of the legal value, and shall pass current as money within the United States, by tale, for the payment of all debts and demands, at the rate of one hundred cents the dollar; that is to say, the Dollars of Mexico, Peru, Chili and Central America, of not less weight than four hundred and fifteen grains each, and those re-stamped in Brazil of the like weight, of not less fineness than ten ounces fifteen pennyweights of pure silver, in the troy pound of twelve ounces of standard silver; and the Five-Franc pieces of France, when of not less fineness than ten ounces and sixteen pennyweights, in twelve ounces troy weight of standard silver, and weighing not less than three hundred and eighty-four grains each, the rate of ninety-three cents each.
Sec. II. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to cause assays of the aforesaid silver coins, made current by this act, to be had at the mint of the Untied States at least once in very year and to make report of the result thereof to Congress.
ADDITIONS AND ALTERATIONS.
______
CLEVELAND.
Baxter Abraham, joiner, Academy st.
Baxter R. D. & Co. grocers & provision dealers, 17 Merwin st.
Billings H. W. (B. & Mather,) r. E. Clark’s Public Square
Bishop J. & co. dry goods merchants and grocers, Columbus st. Cleveland Centre
Brayton Henry F. book keeper in the Bank of Cleveland, r. American House
Cross D. W. deputy collector of customs, 39 Superior st.
Cushing E. physician and surgeon, 41 Ontario st
FARMERS’ AND MECHANICS’ HOTEL, Geo. W. Sanford, Ontario st. corner Michigan st.
Gale R. & Co. grocers and provision dealers, basement of Post Office, Superior st.
Gardner & Vincent, cabinet makers, 34 Water st.
Griffith & Standart, forwarding and commission merchants Superior Lane, corner Merwin st.
Harvey John, laborer, Rockwell st.
Hastings Samuel, (R. Gale & Co.) r. American House
Hurd Seth T. (H. & Parish,) r. cor. High and Sheriff sts
Ingraham Timothy, Secretary for Ohio Canal Towing Co. Ohio Canal Packet Boat Co. &c. r. Public Square
Lane J. S. & Co. Umbrella, Parasol and Musical Instrument manufacturer, 20 Superior st.
Merwin George B. r. Public Square, corner Ontario st
Nax Joseph, professor of music, 82 Bank st
Pratt G. W. professor of sacred music, 34 Superior st. r. American House
Sanford George W. proprietor of Farmers’ and Mechanics’ Hotel, Ontario st. c. Michigan st.
Dissolutions in Cleveland since the Directory was put to press.
Gardner & Cornwall.
Griffith, Pease & Co. now Griffith & Standart.
Hood & Cary, now Joel Hood.
OHIO CITY.
Bates C. H. mason and building contractor, Detroit st.
Hall A. B. & Co. watch makers and jewellers, Detroit st above Turnpike st. [See advertisement.]
Smith, Luther & Co. hard-ware merchants, &c. Tremont Block. [See advertisement.]
Taft William P. architect and builder, Turnpike st.
Dissolution.
Taintor & Hamblin, now L. W. Hamblin.
Forwarding and Commission Merchants, &c.
Barstow & Co. forwarding and commission merchants, and agents for the Eagle Line, &c. [See advertisement.]
Tufts & Parks, forwarding and commission merchants, and agents for the Steam-Boat Sheldon Thompson and Schooners Lexington, Texas, Henry Roup, Navigator, Post-Boy and Ottaway. [See advertisement.]
Viets, Ludlow & Holmes, commission and produce merchants. [See advertisement.]
Principal Hotels.
Ohio City Exchange, H. H. Wickware, Main st. c. Centre
American House, George W. Freeman, Main st. c. Elm
Pearl Street House, —- —–, Pearl st.
Powell’s —–, Detroit st. corner Washington st.
Jefferson House, Charles Murcott, Terrace st
Essay 4, Issue 02: The Warszawa Community, 1882-1919
WARSZAWA: THE DEVELOPMENT OF A POLISH-AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL COMMUNITY, 1882-1919
by Chuck Kaczynski
On the morning of 3 June 1882 the Cleveland Leader ran a copy of a notice that had been posted by the president of the Cleveland Rolling Mill regarding the condition of the plant in light of the on going strike.
Cleveland Rolling Mill Company
Cleveland, O., June 2, 1882.
On Monday next, the wire mill, rail mill, new
melting furnace, and blooming mill will start
with non-union men, single turn. As soon as
practicable other departments will start, due
notice of which will be given.
(Signed) William Chisholm, President.
A large number of the men referred to by Chisholm were recent Polish immigrants who would come to settle in the area northwest of the rolling mill. Thirty seven years later, in the Fall of 1919, the Cleveland Rolling Mill was again hit by a major strike. By this time, however, Polish-American workings composed approximately fifty percent of the strikers who walked out in support of the twelve point demands of the Amalgamated Iron, Steel, and Tin Workers Association. What caused this shift?
This paper examines the causes of this change in attitude and the growing sense of permanency among the employees of the Cleveland Rolling Mill and their families. In order to understand this transition, one must examine the development of the Polish-American community of Warszawa, located on the southeast side of Cleveland, which experienced a fantastic rate of growth between the years 1882 and 1919. By examining this growth one can identify a shift in attitude among the Polish immigrants from viewing themselves as a temporary “colony” of migrants to a permanent “community” of Polish-American workers. It is this attitudinal evolution which accounts for this transition from strike breakers to strikers.
A number of factors are examined in this paper which illustrate this transition. Primary among these is the development of Saint Stanislaus parish which acted as a center of the community. A statistical analysis of baptisms, marriages, societies and confraternities, and school size illustrates the rate of growth of the Warszawa community. Along with this, the paper examines the development of mutual aid societies, savings and loans and banks, which supported the growing permanency among the residents of Warszawa.
The history of Poles in Cleveland can be traced back to 1848. Through the 1870′s the Polish population of Cleveland was composed primarily of skilled artisans who were either self-employed or employed for wages in small manufacturing plants. At this time, Cleveland’s Poles lived among the Czech community centered around Croton Avenue, three miles north of the Cleveland Rolling Mill. But, with the increasing number of Poles coming to Cleveland, a new settlement was sought. In the late 1870′s between seventy and eighty families left the Croton Avenue community and settled in farmland near the intersection of Fleet Avenue and Tod Street. It would be from this nucleus that the Warszawa community would grow. Along with their personal belongings, the Poles who moved to Warszawa brought with them a Roman Catholic parish, Saint Stanislaus, which had been created by the Cleveland Diocese in 1873. Lacking a permanent location, this community held its services at Saint Mary’s Church in Cleveland’s “Flats” district.
During the late 1870′s and early 1880′s, the Poles of Warszawa came to rely on the Cleveland Rolling Mill for a majority of their jobs. The Cleveland Rolling Mill was part of an industry which had existed in Cleveland since 1856. With the increased demand for iron resulting from the American Civil War, the Cleveland Rolling Mill hired a number of Czechs and Poles to bolster the output of the existing Welsh/Irish work force. Through the 1880′s, the Poles and Czechs came to fill a number of unskilled and semiskilled positions at the mill.
In May of 1882 the Cleveland Rolling Mill received new ownership which immediately enacted a series of wage reduction measures. On the morning of 10 May 1882 five thousand employees of the mill went on strike protesting the reduction in wages, working conditions, and the closing of the mill to labor unions. In that morning’s edition of the Cleveland Plain Dealer, President Chisholm explained his thoughts on the cause of the walkout. “Until within a few months ago the employes (sic) of our company have not been connected with the labor organization known as the Iron and Steel Workers’ Association. Latterly however, they have been gathered into this organization and the result has been discontent and trouble to the company. The question was not a matter of wages so much as whether the Amalgamated Association should control our affairs and dictate to us our method of doing business.
The strike continued until early June when strike breakers, including between 500 and 1,500 Poles, were brought into the mills. Chisholm continued his stand against the Amalgamated and its membership, stating that no union member would be given a position in the mill. The lack of experience of the strike breakers soon became evident. One report indicated that approximately one third of the output of the rail-mill was “useless.” Due to the increasing number of strike breakers, and the disorganization of the Amalgamated, though, the strike was quickly broken.
The ineffectiveness of the Polish laborers who were brought in to break the strike can be explained by examining the source population of these workers. Known as the Stara Emigracja, “Old Emigration,” three fourths of the pre-1920 Polish immigrants were farm laborers, unskilled workers, or servants. Only three percent of this population possessed fifty dollars when they entered this country. One quarter of the “old emigrants” had their travel expenses covered by someone else. Many of these laborers were “birds of passage,” who left their wives and family back in Europe in order to find “good” jobs which would allow them to earn enough money to return to Europe and purchase land. Between 1820 and 1870 these laborers left at the rate of ten to twenty per one hundred new immigrants. This number increased to thirty three to forty per one hundred by the period between 1900 to 1914. Those that remained in Cleveland developed a hybrid system of allegiance, mixing Polish culture with American methods to create the permanent community of Warszawa.
In the years following the end of the 1882 Strike, Cleveland experienced a continuous growth of its Polish population. Even with the difficulties of tabulating Polish immigration into Cleveland, with the Polish immigrants regularly being identified as “German,” “Russian,” or “Austrian.” The number of Poles entering Cleveland was quite substantial. By the year 1890, 2,848 Poles were living in the city of Cleveland, making up 1.09 percent of the total population. It was this population which maintained the notion of the Okolica, the neighborhood, with its emphasis on material possessions (land, house and permanent material objects), personal abilities (individual skill and organizational honors), and family status, which came to characterize the Warszawa community.
Over a short period of time the Warszawa community exhibited qualities which indicated a shift away from the “birds of passage,” to a community of Polish immigrants who had been attracted to Cleveland by correspondence with family and friends already living there. This reflects a common immigration pattern among Poles during the late nineteenth century. This sense of purpose and permanency was displayed only three years after the 1882 Cleveland Rolling Mill Strike when a second, and more violent strike broke out. In July of 1885, in the face of a recession, Chisholm cut employee wages. Poles and Czechs, who had been recruited as strike breakers a mere three years earlier, led a “more massive and violent strike” which began on 6 July 1885. This strike was an attempt by the workers to preserve the gains that they had made since moving to Warszawa.
A prime indicator of this permanency in the Warszawa community was the development of the Saint Stanislaus parish. After the shift of the Poles to Warszawa, distance prohibited the use of Saint Mary’s in the Flats as a place of worship. It was in 1881 that the first permanent church building was erected at the intersection of Tod Street and Forman Avenue. Two years later the pastor of Saint Stanislaus, Father Francis Kolaszewski, unveiled plans for a church which would be the largest in the Cleveland Diocese. In 1887, a mere six years after building the first church at Tod and Forman, Kolaszewski’s plans became reality with the dedication of a two hundred foot long, on hundred and forty five feet high brick structure.
Kolaszewski’s grand plans ran into financial difficulties starting in the mid-1890′s. By the seventh of April 1906 the Bishop of Cleveland, Ignatius F. Horstmann, requested that the Franciscan Order take over the parish in order to solve the Saint Stanislaus’ financial problems. This task was made even more difficult when on 21 April 1909 a “cyclone” damaged the church and school buildings. The tall twin steeples of the south facade of the church collapsed during the storm, and were never rebuilt. The final total of the cyclone damage to the Saint Stanislaus property was $27,000. The financial strength and stability of the Warszawa community, however, was clearly exhibited, when only seven years later, the pastor of the church reported to the bishop that Saint Stanislaus was free of debt.
A better representation of the growth of the Warszawa community can be seen by examining the records of marriage and baptism ceremonies as they are recorded in the annual reports to the bishop. (See Graph A and Graph B) In 1882, Saint Stanislaus conducted twenty six marriage ceremonies and one hundred and fifty baptisms. Excluding a slight decrease in baptisms between 1884 and 1885, and marriages between 1883 and 1885, Saint Stanislaus showed a constant rate of growth through 1891/1892. The number of marriage ceremonies peaked in 1891 with 115 weddings, while baptisms reached its highest level one year later, totaling five hundred and thirty one.
Both baptisms and marriages fell drastically after 1891. Two factors played a role in the decreasing number of marriages and baptisms between 1893 and 1894. The United States at this time was suffering through an economic depression, which effected the earnings of the workers at the Cleveland Rolling Mill. But more significant to the Saint Stanislaus parish was the return of Father Kolaszewski from Syracuse, New York. One 8 June 1892, the bishop had replaced Kolaszewski, indicating that he had financially hampered the parish. Some members of the Saint Stanislaus community loyal to Kolaszewski clashed with those who called for his ouster, causing a split in the parish, which resulted in the bishop sending Kilaszewski to Syracuse, New York.
The annual report to the bishop for 1894 notes that Kilaszewski had returned to Cleveland, “…uncalled by the church authority to organize what he calls an independent church on 3rd day of May…” This schism resulted in the creation of a runaway parish, the Immaculate Heart of Mary, which acquired property on Fremont Avenue, only six blocks south of Saint Stanislaus. It was the creation of this second Polish Church, in close proximity to Saint Stanislaus, which was the primary cause for the decrease in marriages and baptisms.
During the period from 1894 to 1905, there was little growth in marriages or baptisms. From 1905 to 1907, however, the number of marriages in the parish increased dramatically. The annual report to the bishop for 1905 indicated that seventy marriages were performed at Saint Stanislaus. By 1907, a mere two years later, this number had more than doubled, to one hundred and forty six. Exhibiting a delay factor of one year, the number of baptisms performed also grew dramatically during this period. The year 1905 saw four hundred and one baptisms performed at Saint Stanislaus. Three years later, six hundred and forty five baptisms were performed. The number of marriages and baptisms continued to rise through 1916. It was in this year that Saint Stanislaus reached its prewar peak in marriages with two hundred and thirty ceremonies.
A third indicator of the growth of Warszawa was the growing school population of Saint Stanislaus. (See Graph C) Great emphasis must be placed on this development, for the school was seen as a “new, concrete institutional bond between immigrants.” The parochial school was also seen as one of the first institutions to express a growing sense of community and self-development, which facilitated the shift from a Polish “colony” to a Polish-American community. The statistical data of Saint Stanislaus’ school clearly indicated that the bonds between “immigrants” who had settled in Warszawa developed into bonds between “neighbors.”
Diocesan records indicated that in 1882 two hundred and five students attended Saint Stanislaus school. Four years later, a new school building was opened at the cost of $1,500. By 1893, the school was attended by seven hundred and fifty students, with a staff of ten teachers. In response to a question regarding the number of students that did not attend the parish school, the pastor of Saint Stanislaus wrote: “Some (students) after their first communion attend public school to learn more English.” At this time all instruction was done in Polish. Ten years later, the annual report indicated that two hundred students did not attend Saint Stanislaus school because of the “lack of rooms in our school.” In 1906, the school population of the parish was one thousand two hundred and ninety seven students.
A new school building was completed in 1907, which contained eighteen classrooms, two basement offices and an auditorium. The building was erected at a cost of $9,300. Even with this massive construction project, the population of Warszawa outstripped any progress in the number of classrooms. As late as 1912 the annual report indicated that five hundred students were not attending the school because of the lack of space. At this time, Saint Stanislaus school had twenty four teachers instructing one thousand four hundred and eighty five students in eight grades. This upward trend continued through 1919, with Saint Stanislaus peaking at two thousand one hundred and thirty seven students, with an additional six hundred having to attend public school because of lack of space.
This dramatic growth in school population, along with the increases in marriages and baptisms indicated that by the middle of the 1890′s Saint Stanislaus had entered a third phase of development, one of self-generated growth. This reaching maturity is noted by William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki: “Later when the community is definitely settled marriages and births–at first relatively insignificant–gradually acquire the predominant importance.”
A significant role in the development of Saint Stanislaus, and its school, was that played by the various confraternities and societies which developed between 1882 and 1919. These organizations performed two functions in the parish community, providing devotional support for the priest and economic and cultural support for the community. Taking the economic conditions which effected the parish into consideration, one can observe continuous improvement in the Warszawa community. Returning, once again to the 1882 annual report, one finds that Saint Stanislaus had only two societies. The number of confraternities and societies rose quickly, so that by 1887 Saint Stanislaus boasted five male societies, three female societies, and one children’s society. By 1894, the number of these organizations increased to fifteen.
An interesting situation developed in these societies with the outbreak of the First World War. The 1917 report to the bishop announced that seven military companies had been formed among the parishioners of Saint Stanislaus. Of the five hundred men who entered military service, two hundred and fifty had been drafted by the United States Army, one hundred and twenty five had volunteered for the “American” Army, while one hundred and twenty five volunteered for the Polish Army. This split allegiance was made reference to again in the 1918 annual report. On 24 March 18, Saint Stanislaus held a ceremony in which the pastor blessed the parish’s “service flag.” The flag was decorated with five hundred and fifty five stars, one for each man in the service of the United States, along with eighty eight stars for men serving in the Polish Army. This divided allegiance, as late as 1917-1918, reflects the merging of a “Polish” identity with the reality of making one’s home in the United States.
The years between 1882 and 1919 also saw the development of a number of social and economic institutions, which reinforced the permanency of the Warszawa community while maintaining the cultural traditions brought from Poland. This hybrid of Polish traditions and values with American institutions and methods was well illustrated in the evolution of the mutual aid societies into extraterritorial insurance federations. Initially, Polish immigrants tended to rely on the “wider social group” for assistance during periods of financial difficulty. “The immigrant has been accustomed to see the wider social group hold every narrower social group within its limits responsible for the behavior of every member; the village praises or blames the family as a whole for the activities of an individual, the parish does the same with reference to the village group, the wider community with reference to the parish or village.” It was this attitude which the Polish immigrants brought with them to the Cleveland Rolling mill and the Warszawa community. But over time, with the growth of the community, and the expansion of immigration patterns beyond “chain migration,” mutual aid tended to develop a more impersonal “Americanized” flavor.
Personal assistance among Polish-American communities tended to evolve from a system which functioned on a case by case basis to one of mutual insurance where the membership of an organization collectively insure themselves against accident. Over time, this idea dissolved into a system of self-insurance where individual policyholders protect themselves. “In the older and larger colonies the individual’s desire to be insured plays, therefore, perhaps even a greater part in the development of mutual insurance associations than this desire to insure others.” This personal focus which developed was further evidence of the “Americanization” of the community and its growing sense of permanence.
In Warszawa, the first fraternal insurance clubs were associated with Saint Stanislaus parish. For a low weekly premium, usually around twenty five cents, the individual was able to protect themselves against layoffs and accidents, provide funds for family burials, and have a source for low-interest loans.” The first of Cleveland’s mutual aid societies was founded in 1873 by Anton Dzieweczynski and Andrew Skonieczny, the Society of Saint Vincent de Paul. Seven years later, a Polish Roman Catholic Union lodge (P.R.C.U.) was formed at Saint Stanislaus.
During the 1880′s and early 1890′s, the Warszawa community organized a host of mutual aid societies and fraternal insurance organizations. One of the more unique organizations was the Polish National Alliance, which founded its first Cleveland chapter in 1886. “However, it (Polish National Alliance) did not have strong church ties (though membership was initially limited to Catholic Poles) and worked strongly for the reconstitution of the Polish state.” Considered by many in the Warszawa to be composed of “freethinkers,” and “socialist: the Polish National Alliance, after its 1895 national conference in Cleveland, was abandoned by many Warszawa Poles when the P.N.A. Constitution was amended to allow non-Catholic Poles to join the organization. This led to the splintering off of Group 143 which reconstituted itself first as the Alliance of Poles of Ohio, and after 1917 as the Alliance of Poles in America.
The popularity of these mutual aid societies and fraternal insurance organizations was exhibited by the number of policies opened each year. A survey of new applications was conducted for the P.R.C.U. Lodge of Saint Stanislaus for the years 1909 to 1919. (See Graph D) For the seven months of 1909 that it was recorded, the number of new P.R.C.U. policies increased by one hundred and twenty five. To find the first full year of new memberships, one must turn to the data from 1912, in which three hundred and twelve new memberships were opened. New applications increased again in 1913 with four hundred and twenty three policies being issued.
As a result of the economic depression of 1913, P.R.C.U. applications fell in 1914. For the ten months in which it was recorded, only three hundred and nineteen new policies were opened. The following year, however, new policies skyrocketed to five hundred and seventy five. By the time of the First World War, the organizations which started as societies which provided assistance to its members joined the ranks of national insurance organizations. This was part of a trend among Polish mutual aid societies which only late in their development “added insurance to provide themselves with a broader base and more working capital…” Once again, one observes the evolution of a tradition among Poles, community assistance during times of emergency, into an “Americanized” institution of federated insurance organizations which insured thousands of unrelated individuals.
Beyond the development of a parish community and the growth of mutual aid societies, the creation of a permanent community was best gauged by the geographic growth of the community and the degree of home ownership. For those individuals and families which claimed Warszawa as “home,” home ownership became a primary goal. Along with providing a sense of status, home ownership provided the Polish-American community with a greater control over their environment, an “enforced” form of savings resulting from the buildup of equity in their homes, and a second source of income. It was quite common for home owners to erect a second house on their property to use as a source of rental income.
In 1912, Warszawa was composed of one and a half, two, and two and a half story wooden frame houses with additional sheds or stables. Wooden frame storefronts were common along Tod Street and Fleet Avenue, which continued to be the major intersection of Warszawa. The southern geographic limit of Warszawa at this time was found at Worley Avenue, just south of Fremont Avenue. This area was known as the “Reid Estate Subdivision,” but no construction was indicated in the 1912 Plat Books. Ten years later this area was filled with two-family homes, and the church and school complex of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. By 1920, Poles in Cleveland controlled over twenty million dollars of property, a clear indication of the permanent nature of the community.
By the second decade of the twentieth century, Warszawa had expanded to the south to Harvard Avenue, where its expansion was limited by the northward growth of the Krakowa community, a second Polish-American community, on the west where it reached East 55th Street, on the east at Broadway Avenue by the growing Cleveland Rolling Mill complex, and on the north by the Morgana ravine. With improvements in public transportation, Polish-Americans soon moved out of Warszawa starting satellite communities. In addition to Krakowa, which had developed during the 1870′s, Polish-Americans created the Jackowa community around the Saint Hyacinth parish. By 1910, Polish-American families were moving south along Turney Road, “settling along the side streets lining Turney from just above Warner Road to immediately above Garfield Heights Boulevard.”
Related to this growth in home ownership was the development of community financial institutions. During Warszawa’s early history, its residents did not establish institutions for savings. This responsibility was undertaken by the individual family or through mutual aid societies and fraternal organizations. A second institution which played a financial role in the community was Warszawa’s foreign exchange and travel broker, Michael Kniola. Members of the Warszawa community would “deposit” money with Kniola. His success in this area led him to help found the Warsaw Savings and Loan Association of Cleveland. In the Fall of 1915, Kniola, along with B. Filipiak, C. Orlikowski, Michael Bauza, and S. Ciemnoczolowski organized the Savings and Loan in order to facilitate home buying among the members of the Warszawa community. The organization began operations of 16 September 1916, incorporating six days later. Initially working out of a room in the Sokol Polski Hall on Broadway Avenue, the Warsaw Savings and Loan sold stock subscriptions valued at one hundred dollars each. By the end of 1916, subscriptions were high enough to allow the savings and loan to make its first loan of $1,800.
The Warsaw Savings and Loan, however, was not the only Polish financial institution in Warszawa. Three years earlier, a former employee of Kniola’s, Stanley Klonowski, opened the Bank of Cleveland on the corner of Marcelline and Broadway. By the year 1920, Warszawa had two additional financial institutions, the Broadway Savings and Trust Company on the corner of Broadway and East 55th Street, and the Columbia Savings and Loan Company directly across the street from the Broadway Savings and Trust Company.
By the year 1919, the Warszawa community had developed from an intersection of two roads in the middle of farmland to a bustling, thriving, permanent Polish-American community. Workers from Warszawa played a major role in the 1919 Steel Strike which shut down “all 16 plants of the American Steel and Wire Co. and the plant of the McKinney Steel Co. and the Lake Erie Iron Co. and other independents…” One can easily see the shift of Polish-American workers’ attitude toward the Cleveland Rolling Mill and the Amalgamated Iron, Steel, and Tin Workers Association by examining a list of the members of the strike committee, and their nationality. John Bieski, Lakeside Lodge, Amalgamated Association, A. Bilowski, Fullerton Lodge, Amalgamated, Frank J. Owezarak, Warsaw Lodge, Amalgamated, and John M. Widlanski, Warsaw Lodge, Amalgamated were identified as members of the Cleveland Strike Committee.
In conclusion, when one examines the history of the Warszawa community in Cleveland, Ohio, one is struck by the steady growth of the community, and its fusing of traditions and values brought from Europe with “Americanized” institutions and methods. This growth, along with this mixture of “old” and “new” world created a sense of permanency and belonging. From its beginning as a “homeless” community the parish of Saint Stanislaus developed into one of the largest communities in the Diocese of Cleveland. The development of a parish school, the growth in the number of marriages, and baptisms, and the increasing numbers of confraternities and societies all point to the development of permanency among the Warszawa community. Besides the growth of the parish community, Warszawa, between 1882 and 1919, saw a growth and change in its mutual aid societies. All of these factors, along with the rise in the degree of home ownership and financial institutions indicates that over this period of time a change took place in the thinking of the residents of Warszawa, a change from perceiving themselves as a temporary “colony” of Polish workers to a “community” of Polish-Americans.
Essay 3, Issue 02: The Flats in 1880 to 1920
THE FLATS IN 1880 TO 1920
Nichole Bahrt, Mark Steinbrunner, and Hilary Stites
The Midwest, like the rest of America, experienced much growth and many changes during the forty year period from 1880 to 1920. Industrialization had an effect on the nation like nothing ever had before and it helped to establish the Midwest cities as major urban center. The nations as well as the Midwest’s population exploded, causing prosperity as well as many problems. This increase in Midwestern populations was mainly caused by the immigration of millions of Europeans during this period, but was supplemented by the migration of African Americans from the South.
By the 1860′s the Midwest had become an extremely important center of industry, as manufacturers chose to establish their companies in this resource rich area with excellent land and water transportation routes. This growing region, lead by Chicago, Cleveland and Detroit, was the leader of the industrial growth that would forever change the country. Midwestern cities had for the most part already been established before industrialization, but the increase in industry is what prompted the population explosions, especially in the towns along the Great Lakes. By 1860 cities of the Midwest such as Cincinnati, St. Louis and Chicago had populations well over 100,000 while cities such as Cleveland and Detroit had surpassed 40,000. By 1920 these cities; population were near or in the millions.
The growth and industrialization that occurred in the Midwest would not have been possible without the influx of immigrants from Europe, who formed a high percentage of the industrial workforce. From the early to the late 1800′s the most prominent immigrant groups were Northern Europeans, especially from Ireland, Germany and England. From the late 1800′s to the early 1900′s Southern Europeans immigrants were numerous, although Northern Europeans continued to come, just in reduced numbers. Old immigrants, such as the Germans and English, moved up in the American social hierarchy as new Southern European immigrants came to fill the growing number of unskilled labor positions that appeared as industrialization progressed. The Irish, who had filled the lower level labor jobs in earlier years, in most cases, did not move up as much as the other old immigrants.
African Americans lived in Midwestern cities in small numbers in the 1800′s and the very beginning of the 1900′s, but by 1920 a great African American migration occurred as blacks fled from southern prejudice. Many African Americans obtained employment in unskilled and service positions.
Cleveland was an ethnically diverse, industry-dominated Great Lakes city that enjoyed both the success and dealt with the problems that industrialization caused. The Civil War was a factor in the industrialization of Cleveland, as the city began producing war goods for the North. “The war found Cleveland a commercial city and left it a manufacturing city.” The abundance of railroad lines in the city also helped to increase the pace of industrialization, as the railroads were a way to transfer products made in the city to the rest of the country. The most important industries in Cleveland during this period were iron, steel and oil. Cleveland was the home of John D. Rockefeller and his Standard Oil Company. By the early 1900′s automobiles were the third largest industry in Cleveland.
Immigrants swarmed to the city during this period dominated first by the Irish and the Germans and later by Eastern Europeans such as Hungarians and Poles. African Americans also migrated to Cleveland in great numbers. The population rose 308% from 1910 to 1920. These new residents provided much of the labor for new industries, while the native population filled the skilled and professional positions. Cleveland experienced many problems indicative of an industrialized urban city such as congestion, lack of housing, poor sanitation, disease and increased crime. Cleveland also experienced labor unrest in the late 1800′s like many other Midwestern cities, and it was a center the the labor movement.
Ohio City, the West Side of Cleveland that was once a competing city, played an integral part in the industrialization of Cleveland as a whole. In the early 1800′s this area that would soon be a part of Cleveland was developing independently across the Cuyahoga River. As Cleveland achieved commercial success due to the Ohio Canal, Ohio City was left to fend for itself, which aided in its development as an industry-based town. In 1840 69% of Ohio City’s heads of household were employed in industry. In 1854 Cleveland annexed Ohio City,but its isolation continued as
they had yet to build an adequate bridge between the two. Ohio City became an area for working class immigrants, especially Irish and Germans. The lowland area of Ohio City (mainly the Flats) became an area for the city’s poor residents to live, and this trend continued throughout this period. In 1870 nearly all of the laborers in Ohio City were Irish, a trend that continued even up to 1920, despite the introduction of new immigrant groups into the area.
The Flats was a predominantly working-class neighborhood throughout that was dominated by Irish-born and people of Irish descent. It encompases the area down the hill, closest to the West Bank of the Cuyahoga River. The area sampled for 1880 included Main Avenue, Mulberry Street, sections of Pearl Street, Winslow Street, Washington Avenue, Spruce Street and Center Street. In 1920 the sampling changed slightly as Center Street was excluded due to its transformation into a business district. In 1880, 868 residents were sampled, while in 1920, due to Cleveland’s massive population increase, the sample increased to 1,293, even after excluding
Center Street.
The area directly next to the river was dominated by businesses both in 1880 and 1920. In 1880 these businesses, which were predominantly on Center Street included the Cleveland Burial Case, and Ironworks, A. Angstedt Boilerworks, J.H. Griffith and Co. Malt Shop, a Brass and lamp Works, C.H. Burton SteamPump Works (Machine Shop), and on Mulberry were O. Lapham and Co. Washboard Manufacturer, and a Lumber Works. In 1920 many of the businesses in the Flats (4) were owned by a Hungarian immigrant named Theodor Kundtz, who started by opening his own cabinet making company. Since the majority of workers both in 1880 and 1920 were unskilled laborers (79% and 59% respectively) many of these workers were most likely employed at these companies, since people of lower socioeconomic status, due to the high cost of transportation, tended to live near their places of employment.
There were many similarities that existed in our neighborhood in 1880 and 1920 with regards to ethnicity of the residents, their occupations, gender, household structure, crime and entertainment. If going strictly by country of birth, the majority of the residents of the Flats were American-born in both 1880 and 1920 (50% and 69% respectively), but once one looks at the country in which resident’s parents were born, the dominance of the Irish is apparent in both 1880 and 1920. In 1880 45% of the foreign born people were Irish while 92% of the parents of American-born residents were Irish. In 1920 12% of the overall population was Irish, but the parentage of American-born residents was again dominated by the Irish, at 71%. Many of the occupations of the inhabitants of the Flats remained almost the same, as the unskilled laborer continued to dominate the working force of the area. The percentage of unskilled laborers, although falling from 79% to 59% during this 40 years, was still the majority of workers. The percentage of skilled workers in the Flats also stayed the same, 8% in both 1880 and 1920. Many of the jobs that were seen in 1880 were also seen in 1920 such as laborers, sailors, Policemen, engineers (surprisingly found both years), dressmakers, sewers, carpenters, machinists, boilermakers, blacksmiths, shoemakers, captains of boats, servants, laundry workers, midwives, boarding house matrons and Firemen. The gender of the people of the Flats was virtually the same in 1880 (48% female, 52% male) as in 1920 (45% female, 55% male). The household structure of the area was essentially unchanged in the 40 years between the 1880 and 1920 census, as the majority of the households both years were nuclear families with the occasional nephew, cousin, mother-in-law, sister-in-law, brother-in-law or boarder living with the families. Both years the houses were divided up into two or three family dwellings. In 1180 four boarding houses were found, while in 1920 only two. Both years lacked the development of ethnic enclaves, although they seemed to occur in 1880 due to the large number of Irish, but the few other ethnicities that lived within the Flats in 1880 lived interspersed among the Irish, not in separate ethnic areas. In 1920, this mixing of ethnicities mirrored that of 1880.
The crime in Cleveland, which would pertain to Ohio City as well, was much the same in 1920 as it was in 1880. Many of the crimes that were committed were related to alcohol, which, as the coroner’s report indicates, drinking was a popular pastime of the residents of the Flats. This love of alcohol, coupled with the low socioeconomic status that existed in the Flats throughout this period, most likely produced a relatively high crime rate within the community.
Entertainment was also similar in both 1880 and 1920, for amusements including baseball, horse racing and yachting were seen both years as ways to enjoy one’s free time. It is most likely that the residents of the Flats, if they had any free time (considering the long hours of the working-class American at the time), would be found at horse races (with gambling), possibly baseball and most definitely drinking, which was the most common pastime of the working-class ethnic residents that lived in the Flats. Seeing inhabitants of the Flats out yachting with Cleveland’s elite is highly unlikely, and not a bit absurd (unless of course they worked in a service-oriented job, in which case they might be serving Cleveland’s wealthy on their yacht). The Flats over this 40 year period found little change with regards to the dominance of the Irish, the percentages of men versus women, household structure, lack of ethnically homogeneous enclaves, types of crimes committed, or means of entertainment.
Many difference were also apparent in the Flats during this 40-year period in the areas of ethnicity, age, occupations, household structure and accidents that occurred during these years. The Flats, like the rest of Cleveland, the Midwest and the Unites States experienced a change in the pattern of immigration during the forty years, which is very apparent in the 1920 census. Although Irish-born and people of Irish descent still dominate the ethnicity of the Flats, many more ethnic groups are represented in 1920 than were represented in 1880. In 1880 the only ethnicities present in the Flats were the Irish, English, Scots, Germans and one person from Holland. In 1920 the number of different countries represented increased greatly to include Russia (people who spoke Russian, Polish, German, Lithuanian and one Russian-Jewish family that spoke Yiddish), Hungary (people who spoke Hungarian, German and Slovak), Austria (people who spoke Polish and Hungarian), Lithuania, Finland, Wales, Norway, Sweden, Tranzylvania, Slovenia, Serbia, Italy and one person from Syria. The American-born people who lived in the Flats, although overwhelmingly of Irish descent, were also of other nationalities including 20% Hungarian, 16% Lithuanian, 14% Russian (born in Russia), 12% Austrian (born in Austria), 5% German, and 6% other nationalities including Canadian, Polish, Serbian, British (English and Scottish) and Scandinavian (from Finland, Holland, Norway and Sweden).
The ages of the residents changed slightly, most significantly in the age 1 through 10 category, which was 33% in 1880 and 25% in 1920. 11 through 20 decreased from 18% to 17%, 21 through 30 decreased from 17% to 15%, 31 through 40 stayed the same at 16%, 41 through 50 also increased significantly with a raise from 8% to 16%, 51 through 60 rose from 4% to 7%, 61 through 70 stayed the same at 2% as well as 71 through 80 and 81 through 90 which both stayed at 1%. It would appear that people were having less children and living longer in the Flats, which is very likely with the modernization that occurred in the field of medicine throughout those 40 years
A new consideration that existed in 1920 that did not exist in 1880 in the Flats was the appearance of African Americans in the area, for there was not one black person in 1880. African American accounted for a mere 11% of the population, but their presence signifies the change that was occurring in the number of African Americans throughout the Midwest. The majority of African Americans (89%) were born in Southern states with their parents also born in that same state. 70% of African American workers were unskilled, 3% were semi-skilled, 1% (a nurse, the only skilled African American in the Flats) were skilled and 26% worked in service-oriented fields as drivers, laundry workers, a barber, housekeepers and a bellboy. 23% of African American women worked, compared with 18% of the total population of women (in 1880 the figure was 11%). An amazing 83% of African American children of school age (6-18) attended school, compared to only 74% of the total population in 1920 (in 1880 the figure was 45%).
The semiskilled and service industries increased greatly throughout this 40 year period in the Flats, as the number of semiskilled increased from 8% to 18% and the number of service-oriented jobs increased from 5% to 15%. The modernization that occurred and the diversity of the ethnic make-up of the Flats produced many new jobs for the residents, and many new occupations were abound in 1920 such as auto mechanics, a telephone operator, office workers, stenographer and electricians. The increase in service-oriented jobs over this period was apparent in the resident’s job titles such as cashiers, proprietors and proprietresses, sales ladies and men, restaurant owners (one German, one Irish and one Hungarian). cooks and grocery workers.
The household structure was virtually the same in 1880 as it was in 1920, except for the appearance of the father-in-law, grandchildren and stepchildren that occurs in 1920. Either divorce was less prevalent in 1880 or stepchildren were just not labeled as such, the first choice being more likely. 84% of families rented while only 16% owned their homes in 1920 (information not available for 1880).
In 1880 most of the accidents reported were work related, but by 1920 the largest amount were automobile related. Below is a list of vehicle-related accidents that occurred in one month in Cleveland (April 1920), as reported by the Cleveland Plain Dealer:
Auto accidents 144
Number of persons killed by auto accidents 10
Street Car Accidents 50
Number of persons killed by street car accidents 3
Other street accidents 69
Number of persons killed in street accidents 11
1920 saw changes in ethnicity of the residents of the Flats, as a plethora of new countries represented the remaining 69% of foreign-born people who were not Irish. African Americans appeared in the Flats, with a high percentage of women workers and children attending school. The invention of the automobile effected the community as many were employed in jobs that this industry brought to Cleveland, and Cleveland as a whole was effected by careless drivers who ran down pedestrians with their new mode of transportation.
Ohio City overall changed much during the 40 year period between 1880 and 1920. The Irish and Germans, although still dominant groups in 1920 as they were in 1880, were joined by immigrants from other countries, especially Southern and Eastern Europeans, which was a change that occurred throughout the Midwest. The more affluent neighborhoods of Franklin Circle and Pearl Street seemed to lose many of its well to do residents to the suburbs, and people moved up in socioeconomic status in Ohio City to fill the void that was left by the rich residents of 1880. The areas of lower socioeconomic status (The Flats and Detroit Street), seemed to change less in their economic make-up, probably because of their high populations of Irish, who did not move up the social ladder as easily as other ethnic groups. African Americans trickled into Ohio City, especially in the Flats, as the great migration had its effect on the population of Cleveland and the entire Midwest. A slightly higher percentage of women were working, though this was not always so liberating as women made less than their male counterparts for the same amount of work, and many employers believed that women were easily exploited.People seemed to be living longer, as the age statistics for the neighborhoods seemed to have a higher percentage of people in the upper age brackets.
Cleveland had become a major industrial center with a large population, and it inherited many of the problems that congested industrial cities have. Housing seemed to be a major concern in Ohio City, especially by 1920, as people in every neighborhood were crowded into houses filled to capacity and beyond. As more African Americans began moving into the city, racial discrimination became more apparent. The future of Ohio City, Cleveland and the Midwest would have to be concentrated on trying to find solutions for the many social problems that had appeared due to industrialization and a sharp increase in population which occurred over this 40 year period, from 1880 to 1920.
Essay 2: Issue 02: Franklin Circle
FRANKLIN CIRCLE: 1880-1920
by Rachelle DeRubeis and Tim Kassouf
Edited by Sherry Maruna
The phenomenon of mass immigration, which occurred between the mid 1840′s and the 1920′s, caused America’s population to explode “sixfold.” The phenomenon of immigration changed character from one decade to another. The highest number of immigrants entering the United States during this time was between 1880-1885. “Old” immigrants such as the Irish, Germans, British and Norwegians arrived in America earlier, roughly between 1840 and 1880. The second wave of “new” immigrants arrived after 1880 and were mostly from Southern and Eastern Europe. These “new” immigrants added a full 10% to the United States population.
Immigrants were attracted to labor and industrial jobs found in Midwest cities. During the 1890′s, the Midwest’s rapid expansion matched the trend that was taking place nationwide. Investors poured capital into urban development despite the odds against success. There were many factors that would either positively or negatively impact a town’s growth in the Midwest during the first half of the 19th century. One of these included access to a navigable body of water. Midwest cities that were located on one of the Great Lakes had an advantage over one that was not. Cleveland, for example, was located on Lake Erie and was accessible to the interior of the country through the Ohio and Erie Canal. This access was an advantage for the city in its commercial endeavors and development.
After the 1850′s, railroads became important to the growth of many towns. They were particularly necessary for towns that were further inland than the coastal areas of the United States. Locomotives were adept at navigating through treacherous terrain, such as the Appalachian Mountains. The result was an infrastructure that connected the country coast to coast. This development came to replace waterways as the predictor of a town’s success. However, towns that had both navigable waterways and railroads provided a combination of transportation that substantially increased its growth and development. Midwest cities such as Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago and Milwaukee contained this combination.
Between 1880 and 1920, the Great Lake cities of Detroit, Cleveland, Chicago and Milwaukee were rapidly developing. These cities began to deal with their increasing population by making use of urban planning to relieve the pressure of overcrowding and rapid growth. One solution to alleviate the overcrowding involved the expansion of city boundaries into the more rural areas. Another solution was for cities to build upward by creating taller apartment dwellings. The expanding population was more densely packed within smaller areas. The first solution moved residents farther away from their places of employment. As a result. public transportation in the form of the streetcar was created to meet the needs of the citizens who lived in these enclaves and were beyond walking distance.
The presence of residential areas made it necessary for a portion of the population to travel back and forth to work. Though streetcars provided viable public transportation, the invention of the automobile in the early 1900′s soon replaced them as the preferred mode of transportation. A new economic resource was on the rise and the Great Lakes region was key to its success.The production of automobiles was centered in Detroit although Cleveland ranked second in the amount of cars produced in a single city nationally in 1919. Other Midwest cities specialized in manufacturing the parts. Midwest cities were vital to the manufacturing of the automobile and becoming centers for other industries as well.
Emerging as a major industrial urban center, the city of Cleveland experienced many of these changes between 1880 and 1920. A portion on the west side of the city, Franklin Circle, provided an opportunity to examine these changes. In 1880, Franklin Circle was comprised of 84% American born and 16% foreign born residents. In this respect, the enclave was inconsistent with other working class parts of Cleveland. For example, the Flats were predominately Irish with 85% of the population either born in or were children of parents born in Ireland. Franklin Circle was comprised of only 5.5% Irish and 9.5% German. In 1920, the American born population dropped to 71% of the 1,109 residents surveyed in Franklin Circle. Along with a change in the dominant ethnic groups, the area experienced a change in ethnic minorities. In 1880, the ethnic minorities were 4.5% Irish, 4% English 3% German and 4.5% Other. By 1920, the ethnic minorities were 8% Hungarian, 3.5% Finnish, 3% German, 3% Canadian, 3% Irish, 2% English, 6.5% Other. The Other was comprised of Swiss, Chinese, Italians and Brazilians. Another interesting population shift during this time of rapid growth was found in relation to African American’s presence in Cleveland. The black population in relation to Caucasians had dropped from 15% to less than 10% by 1920. The increasing influx of European immigrants had significantly effected the ratio of Caucasians to African Americans during this time period.The change was attributed to the “new” or second wave of immigrants from Southern and Eastern European countries such as Hungary, Yugoslavia, Italy, Russia and Poland. These statistical changes represent a substantial shift in the ethnic makeup of the neighborhood. The change in ethnicity in Cleveland’s west side was a phenomenon that most of the Midwest cities experienced between 1880-1920 as well.
The nature of work had also changed for the residents living in Franklin Circle. In the 1880′s, coal, iron ore, lumber, grain and hogs were the basic economic resources of the region. An immigrant laborer found work shoveling coal, loading lumber, bagging wheat or in a slaughter house. In the 1920′s, a new spirit of ingenuity and invention began to sweep America and Cleveland’s Franklin Circle reflected the new trends. New technology added jobs such as an automobile repairman or a telephone operator. Of the residents of Franklin Circle, thirty people worked in the auto industry and four were telephone operators. Additionally, several worked for the Electric Company and Western Union. The customer service and entertainment industry dealing in food and drinks employed 33 people or 7% of the working population of Franklin Circle. Cooks, waiters, bartenders, bakers and candy dippers were occupations in this newly expanding industry. Women in 1880′s were domestic servants, but by 1920 they were cigar bunchers, telephone operators, knitting operators, salesladies and nurses. More women were in the work force than in 1880. Consequently, the number of multiple income households increased. Children still living in the family’s home worked as well as the parents. Boarders and lodgers also contributed to the income of a family. Occupations of the residents of Franklin Circle had changed dramatically between 1880 and 1920.
The above trends in technological occupations were reflected in industrial jobs as well. By 1920, industries such as railroads, steel, iron, autos and the shipping dominated employment in Franklin Circle. Twenty percent of all working residents worked in these industries. Out of 782 adults, aged twenty and up, 106 were employed in industrial jobs. The emerging steel industry played a large role in the economics of Franklin Circle. Cleveland Cliff Steamers plowed the Great Lakes from Minnesota to Cleveland carry huge loads of iron ore. The ore was transformed into workable steel and then shipped to factories such as the automobile factories in Detroit. Labor was at a premium and immigrants were filling the void.
In 1880, 46% of the population of Franklin Circle was aged 11-30. By 1920, only 34% of the area’s population was in this same age group. 540 people out of the 1,109 surveyed were 0-30 years of age or 49%, with 31-40 year olds making up the larges age bracket. There were 222 people in Franklin Circle between the ages of 31-40. In comparison, the Flats’ largest age bracket was the 0-10 year olds which was 25% of that areas population. Franklin Circle, in 1880, contained only two people over the age of seventy. By 1920, there were sixteen people over the age of seventy-one in the same area. The increased likelihood of a person to reach the age of seventy appeared greater in the 1920′s. However, this statistic indicated that the “newness” of Franklin Circle was being replaced by an established neighborhood.
Family and household structure in Franklin Circle reflected interesting shifts as well as some consistencies. The ratio between men and women remained constant in Franklin Circle between 1880 and 1920. The area contained 607 men and 502 women in 1920. The population was 55% men in 1920 and relatively the same percentage in 1880. This may be explained by the large number of male immigrants to the United States. Men came to America, worked a few years and made enough money to send for their families. Though some would return to their birth country, many stayed in America and their families followed. In 1880, much of the Franklin Circle population were married and the same was true in 1920. Of the 1,109 people surveyed in 1920, 483 were married, 201 were single, 86 widowers and 12 people were divorced. Nearly 10% of the area’s inhabitants were either widowed or divorced and represents a significant increase from 1880. Cities such as Detroit also experienced an increase in widows who were typically younger than in 1880. The widowed population in 1880 were generally women but in 1920, this changed to both men and women.
The household structure changed substantially in Franklin Circle between 1880 and 1920. In 1880, many of the households contained a single family unit. By 1920, nearly 23% of 1,109 people were lodgers or boarders. Taking in boarders was one way to increase family income and served to house single male immigrants.The largest numbers of immigrants residing in Franklin Circle came between the years 1900 and 1920. There were 316 immigrants living in the area in 1920. 67% of the 316 people came to the United in the 20 years prior. The 1880′s held the next larges group of immigrants in the Franklin Circle area and 17% arrived between the years of 1880 and 1890. Ten residents in the Franklin area described their occupations as lodge keepers in 1920. In 1880, this occupation was virtually non-existent in Franklin Circle.
New to the Franklin Circle area was alternative residential housing. In 1920, two dwellings, a hospital and an orphanage had been erected. The St. John’s Orphanage and Home was located on 2619 Franklin Avenue. Sister Ada Francis oversaw the female occupants of both the orphanage and the home. Helping Sister Ada were four other employees, a helper, an assistant, a cook, and a janitor. There were twenty children living at the St. John’s Orphanage and Home ranging in age from 3 to 17. Thirteen of the children were born in the United States, five children were born in England and two were born in Scotland. The Lutheran Hospital, located at 2609 Franklin Avenue employed nine nurses. The Superintendent of the hospital was a women and so were most of the employees. Eighteen out of twenty general employees were female. The ages of the employees ranged from seventeen to fifty years of age. Nine out of the twenty employees were immigrants and Six out of the nine came from Finland between the years 1900 and 1920. Positions at the hospital included tray girl, cook, laundress, maid and orderly. These two dwellings provided services needed within the neighborhood.
Another service oriented facility found in 1920 that did not exist in 1880 in Franklin Circle, was a sanitarium to house individuals with tuberculosis. Between 1900 and 1920, the population of Franklin Circle doubled. The overcrowded conditions led to poor sanitation. The lack of public services such as sewage were just beginning to be recognized and dealt with. Tuberculosis, cholera, and dysentery were a few of the diseases that took their toll on the health of urban dwellers. However, another disease was also prevalent among residents in the area, alcoholism. Alcohol was responsible for public disturbances, theft, perversion and death in 1880. Incidences reported by the Cleveland Plain Dealer and the Penny Press relate alcohol with criminal activity and domestic violence. Prohibition in the 1920′s made it illegal to possess, sell, buy or consume alcohol in any form and was one of the main topics in the press. Rapid growth, overcrowding, disease and alcohol all played a role in the neighborhood composition from 1880 to 1920.
Crime and corruption played a role as well. In 1880 the press reported a number of instances of blatant city government corruption. It was common practice for city officials to allow crimes to occur unhampered and repercusions mysteriously slip through the cracks. In September 1880, a raid took place at Jimmy Robinson’s illegal gambling house on the west side of Cleveland. The police confiscated $700, a gambling machine, chips with Jimmy’s monogram on them, and other “tools” of the trade. The law required the authorities to destroy all items from the gambling house. However, within a week, the items were back in Jimmy’s house and it was business as usual. Progressive reform in the late 1800′s and early 1900′s attempted to deal with both corruption and social ills. An example of a progressive leader was Cleveland’s mayor from 1901 to 1909, Tom Johnson. Johnson instituted political reforms, civil service exams and made significant inroads to improve the physical environment of the city. Lincoln Steffens, an early twentieth century critic of American urban politics described Cleveland as, “the best governed city in the United States.” Progressive Reform brought the plight of urban life into a national context and marks the beginning strides for improvement.
Cleveland’s west side and in particular, Franklin Circle, were representative of the changes occurring in the United States between 1880 and 1920 and specifically the Midwest region. Immigration, industrialization, urbanization and the inherent problems associated with rapid growth and development intersected within this region. Franklin Circle reflected what changed, the causes and how the area dealt with the change. In some instances, such as ethnicity, Franklin Circle presented both similarities and differences in comparison to the larger city of Cleveland, the Midwest region and the nation. Although local examinations have their limitations, Franklin Circle provided an understanding of life in America during an unsettled and rapidly changing time period.
Essay 1, Issue 02: Detroit Street, 1920
Hibernians
DETROIT STREET, 1920: Snapshot of an Urban Community
by Lisa Amato, Jeanne Costa, and Anthony Nettles
Cleveland in 1920 was a typical Midwestern city. It was a melting pot of various ethnicities, social and economic classes. The turn of the century had brought America great prosperity as a nation. The industrial revolution had paved the way for technological advancements and economic plenitude. This made the country the destination for an even more diverse range of immigrants than had been previously seen. While Cleveland exemplified the prosperity and diversity being experienced by the nation, one must remember that it is important not to stereotype the city. When one examines 1920′s Cleveland more closely, it becomes clear that although the city reflected many of the trends that were defining the country, but it also possessed unique characteristics that were distinctly its own. One can see this by viewing the individual neighborhoods which comprised the city. By doing this it becomes apparent that, although some defining characteristics remained the same, many areas did not mirror every characteristic of the city or the nation as a whole. Only by examining the city on such a small scale are we able to understand the distinct aspects that made Cleveland more than just a stereotypical 1920′s American city.
One example of an individual Cleveland neighborhood was Detroit Street. When one examines this particular area it quickly becomes clear that it possessed both characteristics typical for the time as well as ones that were distinctly its own. There were several factors which help to determine this including ethnic composition, socioeconomic status, job occupation and schooling. When each of these factors is examined on an individual basis one can come to understand what life on Detroit Street was like in 1920 as well as how the individual characteristics of the neighborhood fit into Cleveland as a whole.
The Detroit Street neighborhood was located on the West Side of Cleveland and was considered to be an area of lower socioeconomic status due to the large number of immigrants who lived there. However it is important to look beyond this stereotype and realize that not all of these people lived in poverty or worked in low level, unskilled jobs. It is also important to note that not everyone in this area was a foreign-born immigrant. The neighborhood was comprised of a diverse range of ethnicities and job classes. In this aspect it is indicative of the city of Cleveland as a whole. In order to understand this diversity one must begin by examining how the neighborhood was comprised ethnically.
The ethnic make-up of the neighborhood was quite surprising. To begin with, the West Side of Cleveland was comprised mainly of immigrants. An impressive 44% of the Detroit community was foreign born. Thus the foreign-born were a very substantial minority. But when one looks beyond the raw numbers it becomes clear that there is more than meets the eye in this situation. To begin with, out of the fifty-six percent who were American born, twenty-six percent are second generation Americans, American born with foreign-born parents. Therefore, despite their American birth, they were most likely still considered to be ethnics. Out of one hundred and seventy-one heads of household, forty-five were second generation Americans. Fifty-six percent of these were of Irish parentage. The next largest percentages are those of German and Canadian heritage. It is not surprising to find such a large number of people of Irish descent. Detroit Street had been home to a large Irish population for many decades. The large number of second generation Americans with Irish roots shows that the children of Detroit Street’s Irish immigrants remained in the area during their adult lives.
Another surprising aspect of Detroit Street is the ethnic backgrounds of the foreign-born. While the majority, twelve-percent, was Irish, the next largest groups, six percent each, were of Romanian and Finnish ethnicities. The large percentage of Irish supports the premise that the West Side was a haven for Irish immigrants, this had been true for many decades. The number of Romanians exemplifies the new wave of Eastern European immigrants coming to America. However the large number of Finnish immigrants is quite unusual. Although the number of Scandinavian immigrants coming to American and to Cleveland was continually increasing after the turn of the century, there were very few who came from Finland. Therefore it is remarkable that the Finns made up the third largest ethnic percentage on Detroit Street. Other Scandinavian ethnicities included the Swedish and Danes. Although individually the Scandinavians made up very low percentages of the community, when viewed as a whole they comprised close to ten percent of the ethnic population of the neighborhood. The rest of Detroit Street’s ethnic make up reflected both the old wave immigrants as well as the new. Irish, German and English lived along side Hungarians, Russian, Finns and Romanians. It is important to note that the number of foreign-born Germans, English and Canadians was relatively small when compared to the new wave immigrants from Eastern Europe and Scandinavia. This could be due to the fact that the former ethnicities had been migrating to America for decades whereas the latter had just begun large-scale immigration to the United States. One last surprising aspect of Detroit Street’s ethnic make-up was the presence of two Chinese families. Although this number was low it was still remarkable due to the fact that there were extreme restriction limiting the amount of Asian immigrants coming to America around this time.
When examining the ethnicity of the Detroit Street community, one must also consider the occupations of those who lived there. Up until this point in history ethnicity and job skills had been closely related. It was generally understood that immigrants such as the Irish and Hungarians held mainly low skilled jobs, while native-born Americans held mostly medium and high skilled occupations. It was also understood that recent immigrants tended to hold mostly low skilled jobs. However when examining 1920 Detroit Street, one finds that these tendencies are not always true.
In the case of the Irish, the stereotype appears to hold true. Out of twenty Irish workers, sixteen held low skilled occupations, four held medium skilled and one held a high skilled position as the owner of a grocery store. The high percentage of low skilled Irish workers appears to support the commonly held stereotype. However in the case of American’s living on Detroit Street, the stereotype of them possessing higher skilled jobs and better socioeconomic status crumbles under examination. Out of fifty-one “native” Americans on Detroit Street only five held highly skilled jobs. Twenty-four held medium skilled and twenty-two low skilled jobs, showing that Americans possessed almost as many low skilled as medium skilled jobs. This information contradicts the common conception that American’s were better off than other ethnicities. However one must not look at this information without putting it into a greater context. The reason for such a low percentage of high skilled American workers could be the fact that those Americans who possessed such skills chose to live in a more desirable area of Cleveland. Despite this, the evidence for Americans living on Detroit Street shows that their ethnicity is not directly related to their occupation skill level or their socioeconomic status — many native Americans were classified among the city’s poor.
In order to fully understand if there is a relationship between occupation skill level and ethnicity one must examine the Detroit Street community on an even smaller level, by block. Doing this allows one to view small trends and idiosyncrasies and see if they are indicative of the city and the nation. Detroit Street in 1920 can be broken down into five distinct blocks each consisting of twenty-five to forty families. It is important to note that the information obtained about the block areas was based upon the heads of household and did not include spouses, children or any other occupants living in the house. By viewing each block separately one can gain an even more detailed understanding of how ethnicity and income were dispersed along Detroit Street while at the same time allowing us to see the dynamic of the street as a whole.
One hundred and seventy-one families lived on blocks two through six. The majority heads of household were born in either America, (native 56, second generation 38), or Ireland, 22. Those who were Romanian, Finnish, and Hungarian born also made up a substantial part of the community. The rest of the ethnicities, including those born in Canada, England, Scotland, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland, China and Germany made smaller representations in the area. When one views the dispersement of these ethnicities within each block one can find some surprising information which gives further insight into the functioning of the community.
On block two the largest ethnic group are the Americans, both native and second generation, who make up forty-nine percent of the block. After the Americans, the Irish, Hungarians and Finns contribute mostly equal percentages to the area, followed by the English, Swedes and Danes who make up sixteen percent of the block. Therefore this block, while dominated by the Americans, seems to be equally diverse, with several ethnic groups representing fairly equal numbers.
Block three is not so equal. This area is dominated by the Americans who make up a total of 55% of the total number, followed by the Irish at 31%. The remaining 14% is equally divided between the English, Canadians, Austrians and Hungarians. These numbers show that although block three has a large number of varying ethnicities, it was not very diverse in the distribution of them.
Block four is again comprised mainly of Americans who total 61%. The next largest group are the Finns who total 18%, followed by the Irish and Hungarians with 9% each. This block is less diverse in both its ethnicities and its distribution of them.
Block five mirrors block three in the variety of ethnicities that comprise it, but it is much more limited in the distribution of these ethnicities. This block contains the largest percentage of Americans out of all the blocks, 76%. Other ethnicities including Irish, Finns, Russians, Canadians, Chinese and English contribute equal percentages to the block. Therefore, despite the fact that the Americans make up the main portion of this area, the block is equally CSU Special Collctionsdistributed among its other ethnicities.
Up until now, the Americans have dominated every block; this however is not the case in block six. On this block, the Romanians are the dominant ethnicity with 35%. The Americans make up the next largest percentage with 34%. Other ethnicities including the English, Irish, Canadian, Russian, German and Hungarians make up the remaining portion of the block. It is important to note the presence of the Romanians on this block. This is the only area that contains this ethnicity along Detroit Street, which supports the premise that this particular ethnic group most likely chose to live in close proximity to one another. This was due to the fact that they had a common ethnic background and language and that they were in the same economic class.
After viewing these blocks individually one can see that although Detroit Street is diverse in its ethnic make up, there are many instances where pockets of specific ethnicities converge. This is especially apparent in the dominance of the Americans on almost every block. The reason for such a large number of Americans was attributed to the simple fact that they made up the largest percentage of the Detroit Street population. Therefore it would be expected that they would make up the largest concentration on each area. It is important to note that although they do make up such a significant portion of each area, they are distributed almost evenly across each block. This shows that the Americans most likely did not choose the areas they lived in based upon their own ethnicity. Overall it appears that the ethnic groups were evenly distributed along Detroit Street. The only exception to this seems to be the Romanians who are found concentrated on block six. Therefore one can conclude that not only did Detroit Street contain a heterogeneous mix of ethnicities, but the distribution of these ethnicities was likewise diverse.
While viewing the ethnic diversity of Detroit Street it is important also to examine the occupational make up of the area. At first glance it appears that ethnicity and occupation are closely related. By examining this premise on an individual basis its validity becomes apparent. There is a connection between ethnicity and occupational status.
As a whole Detroit Street was mainly a mix of medium and low skilled jobs which comprise 46% each of the total number. Highly skilled jobs only make up 6% of the occupation level for the area. For this evaluation, medium skilled jobs are considered any type of work where some skills were needed but are not difficult to acquire or more specialized skills which were not as highly valued as those of highly skilled occupations. These medium skilled jobs included such occupations as barber, carpenter, policeman or inspector. Low skilled jobs were considered any job that required no skills or simple skills that were limited in function. These included such jobs as laborer, painter, machinist or peddler. Highly skilled occupations included jobs with skills that were very precise and difficult to acquire such as engineer or doctor, as well as any type of job involving property ownership such as cigar store owner, retail grocer, restaurant owner and so on.
Beginning again at block two, recall that it was probably the most diverse block in terms of how the ethnicities were distributed, with large concentrations of Americans (both native and second generation), Irish, Hungarians, and Finns. When viewing occupation skill levels for this block it quickly becomes apparent that there was only one highly skilled job on this block. With the exception of this one person, the jobs on this block consisted of both medium and low skilled jobs with the majority being medium skilled. Out of twenty-three people fifteen held medium skilled and seven held low skilled jobs. Ninety-five percent of the Irish on this block held low skilled jobs. The rest of the immigrants held mainly medium skilled jobs although there were three Americans who held low skilled occupations. Block two, therefore, with the exception of the Irish, seems to be mainly medium skilled, and this does appear to relate to ethnicity.
When attention is turned to block three we see a reversal of the situation of block two. In block two, low skilled jobs were the majority compared to medium and highly skilled ones. Block two had only one highly skilled occupation, a doctor. Out of forty-eight workers, twenty-three held low skilled occupations. The Irish on this block held most of the low skilled jobs although there were seven second and four native Americans who held jobs at this skill level. Skill level was evenly divided among the remaining immigrant groups of block three. Therefore the large number of Americans working in low skill jobs shows that on this particular block ethnicity and skill level may not be as closely related as previously thought.
When looking at block four based purely upon skill level it appears to mimic block three however there are some striking differences when ethnicity is brought into the picture. There were very few Irish on this block compared to other blocks. In this situation the large number of low skilled workers came mainly from Americans, both second generation and native. Out of sixteen low skilled workers, nine were second generation and three were American. This means that over half of those born in America living on Block four, were employed in low skill occupations. The remaining four low skilled jobs were held by an Irish, a German, a Hungarian and Englishman. Another interesting note is that all the Finns on this block held medium and high skilled jobs
On block five one finds the largest number of highly skilled workers out of all the blocks. Despite the fact that block five had the highest percentage, the number itself was still quite small. Out of forty-two workers only four held highly skilled positions and all of them were American. It is interesting to note that block five had the largest percentage of American born workers out of all the blocks. The fact that this block also had the largest number of highly skilled workers supports the premise that American’s possessed higher skill levels than those of foreign-born; although this appears to be the only instance where the data supports this premise so strikingly. The medium and low skilled jobs are almost evenly represented with the medium being slightly higher. These skill levels were evenly dispersed among all of the ethnicities living on block five.
The last area examined was block six. This area is interesting for two reasons. One is the fact that it had the smallest percentage of Americans (both second generation and native) out of all the blocks and it was the only block that contained Romanians. This block was almost identical to block five in terms of the numbers of medium and low skill levels present. The fact that there were such small amount of Americans but still a substantial amount of medium skilled jobs illustrates that there was not a real tie between ethnicity and skill level on this block. It is also important to note the skill level of the Romanians in this area. Out of eleven Romanian workers, eight possessed medium skilled jobs and three low skilled ones.
When one steps back and examines these blocks as a single unit it is difficult to determine if there was a link between ethnicity and occupation skill level. It appears that the presence of a relationship was dependent upon the particular ethnicity. There does appear to be a relationship among the new wave immigrants living on Detroit Street. This can be seen in the Finns, Russians, and Romanians all of whom held mainly medium skilled jobs. Seventy percent of Finns, one hundred percent of Russians and seventy-three percent of Romanians held medium skilled occupation. This shows that there is a strong connection between ethnicity and skill level for these ethnicities. This connection was also apparent in the Irish where seventy-six percent hold low skilled jobs. However when one examines the Americans, second generation Americans and Hungarians this connection does not seem as strong. Americans possessed almost the same percentages of medium and low skilled workers, forty-seven to forty-three. This was also true for the second generation Americans and Hungarians who possessed fifty-two medium skilled and forty-five low skilled for the former and forty-five medium and fifty-six low skilled for the latter. This shows that for these particular ethnicities there was not a strong correlation between ethnicity and occupation skill level.
However, one must remember that it is often important to look beyond the numbers in order to fully understand what they represent. This deeper analysis must be done in the case of the Americans (meaning both second generation as well as native). While the Americans living on Detroit Street appeared to have no relationship between ethnicity and skill level, this may not be true for the whole of Americans living in Cleveland. The West Side in 1920 was still considered an area of lower socioeconomic class. Therefore it is not surprising that we find very few highly skilled Americans and a large number of low skilled ones. It is quite probable that those Americans who possessed highly skilled jobs and profitable medium skilled ones, did not chose to live in this part of the city. Therefore, while there is no apparent relationship between ethnicity and occupation skill level for Americans living specifically on Detroit Street, there may be one when the city is viewed as a whole.
After evaluating the occupation skill level for each block some conclusions become apparent. It is clear that there was no one determining factor between ethnicity and occupation skill level, it was dependent upon the particular ethnicity. The evidence does show, however, that there was no relationship between occupation level and settlement pattern. Throughout each block it appears that all occupations lived evenly dispersed among one another. Although 80% of highly skilled workers lived on the same block, their total number was so low that it is doubtful their skill level affected their settlement. While there was a discrepancy between the number of medium and low skilled workers on each block the difference was so small that it does not provide sufficient evidence to support a link between occupation skill level and settlement pattern. Therefore the data continues to support the fact that Detroit Street was a diverse neighborhood both in terms of ethnicity, settlement and socioeconomic status.
When examining occupation and ethnicity during this time it is also important to note the role of women. It was not uncommon for women to work outside of the home during this period. In 1920, the majority of the women of Detroit Street were listed in the census as either keeping house or none under the listing occupation. However there were a surprising amount of women who held actual employment. Out of one hundred and thirty-nine women, thirty-two were listed as having employment outside of the home. The most common jobs listed for women were washing woman, candy packer and saleslady. There was even one women listed as the manager of a grocery store. The ages and marital status of the working women was surprisingly varied. The most common age of women workers was eighteen to twenty. There were eight women in the category all of them single. However married women made up the largest percentage of the working women, fourteen out of the thirty-two. The largest number of married women were between the ages of forty and fifty but there were also several married women between the ages of twenty and forty who worked. The main ethnicity of women workers was American, 42%, followed by Irish and second generation American. It is important to note the large number of American-born women who were working. This evidence helps add support to the premise that for the American ethnicity on Detroit Street ethnicity was not necessarily related to occupation.
Thus far our focus has been on the adults but it is important to remember that children made up a considerable section of the community. There were one hundred and seventy-one families living on Detroit Street in 1920 and they had a total of one hundred and seventy-six children between the ages of six and seventeen. Due to continuing advances in schooling during this time almost all of these school-aged children attended school daily regardless of ethnic background. In 1920 every child between the ages of six and thirteen attended school. However at age thirteen the number of children attending school began to drop successively with each year. Twenty-four percent of children between thirteen and seventeen did not attend school in 1920. This information shows that children of this area all utilized the opportunity for basic schooling up to the age of thirteen. However, when they reached the age where they could begin apprenticeships or work, the focus on schooling became less important for a certain percentage of this age group.
Another important aspect of the Detroit Street community was the distribution of families and houses. Many people lived in houses with their immediate families. In some instances a mother-in-law, nephew or brother might live with a particular family. However, there were exceptions to this pattern; boarding houses, apartment buildings and families who took in lodgers. In 1920, there were fifty-one residential structures on Detroit Street. Of these, four were apartment buildings which accounted for approximately one third of all residents on the street. There were also two boarding houses which accounted for about 10% of the population. The remaining forty-five structures included seventeen homes which held either one or two families and three or fewer boarders. Only twenty-two structures contained just one family, and they accounted for about 20% of the street’s population. This clearly indicates that the majority of people on Detroit Street in 1920 could not afford to own their own home without income supplementing that which came from the head-of-household. In fact, ten of the twenty-two single-family homes had more than one wage earner. Detroit Street was an area that was lower-middle class at that time. The large number of boarders also indicates that the employment in the area drew many young, unmarried men, most of whom were either immigrants or second-generation Americans. These boarders had a tendency to live amongst those of their own ethnicity. Boarders and the owners of those homes that took in boarders, tended to be of the same ethnicity. Romanian and Hungarian men were the most common among the boarders. Of the ninety-seven boarders on Detroit Street, nineteen were Romanian and twelve were Hungarian. The remainder were spread fairly evenly amongst Irish, Finnish, and Canadian, with a few English, German, and Russian intermixed.
The Detroit Street community was also comprised of some members who were unusual or unique when compared with the rest of the neighborhood. There was a surprisingly large number of elderly people living in the area including a woman who was eighty-two. Medicine was making major advances at this time, and it is likely that we are seeing the result of that. However, medical advances that extended life did not necessarily improve quality of life. There were two invalids on Detroit Street, both of them somewhat elderly. It is likely that because people were living longer, they were more likely to suffer from various forms of physical failure. The neighborhood also included many widows, many of them in their fifties or younger. With the combination of industrial accidents and World War I, it would seem that Detroit Street’s male population may have been significantly affected. Many of these widows and elderly people lived with their children. Nursing homes had not yet gained the popularity they have today.
Although the ethnic diversity seemed to be quite remarkable for this area, it was still limited to those of European descent. With the exception of two Chinese people, every member of the Detroit Street community was listed as white.
After examining the details of the people who made up the neighborhood of Detroit Street it is easy to see that this area was distinct. It has several characteristics which are overlooked in the generalizations made about the West Side at this time. This area was much more ethnically diverse than anticipated. The people of the community were overall more prosperous and skilled and the children better educated than one is first led to believe. By looking beyond the generalizations into the details of the community, one comes to understand that, although Detroit Street shared many characteristics with the West Side and perhaps Cleveland in general, overall the neighborhood was a distinct entity with its own dynamic way of life.
